Kyle kulinski breaks down the attacks on Platner on main stream media and the people pushing the attacks.ย Such as the woman who was on CNN claiming it was a shame for the party that Platner’s transgressions were being over looked and that it was a gender problem.ย Kyle points out that same woman was on the Edwards for president team and stayed on after it broke he was having an affair with another woman as his wife battled cancer.ย Edwards committed 8 felonies to cover it up.ย ย Womanizing did not seem to bother her then.ย Maines House Minority Leader described Platner as having deep and disturbing personal issues.ย That is the same person who threw a bucket of human feces (shit) at someone, sunk three boats, nearly killed his sternman with his fooling around on the water and claimed Jesus saved him when he capsized his boat.ย Kulinski goes on to explain that the reason so many horrible people are attacking Platner is his stance against the oligarchy, his anti Israeli genocide, and his antiiwar stance, and he is a threat to the established order.ย ย The worst thing is the DNC has removed Platner’s campaign from their list of candidates to run adverts supporting.ย He is against their continuing the status quo so they would rather have a republican take the seat to maintain the support for Israel, the establishment, and moreย money for the wealthy at the expense of the lower incomes.ย ย Worth a watch.ย Hugs
A D.C. Circuit ruling would have allowed the Trump admin’s anti-trans policy to go into effect, but a new district court injunction issued hours later blocked the policy yet again.
The Trump administrationโs effort to end gender-affirming medical care for transgender people in federal prison is blocked again after a short lapse in protections on Wednesday.
About noon Wednesday, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit issued a 2-1 order that for two-and-a-half hours technically allowed the Trump administration to begin implementing the Federal Bureau of Prisonsโs plan to โtaperโ โ with a goal of ending โ the provision of hormone therapy for transgender people in federal prison.
About 2:30 p.m., though, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth granted a request that had been pending from the plaintiffs challenging the BOP policy and issued a new preliminary injunction blocking the plan.
This was not the actions of a โrogueโ judge or anything like that. The appeals court judges had even noted that the district court request was pending, but Judges Karen Henderson, a George W. Bush appointee, and Justin Walker, a Trump appointee, nonetheless issued the ruling on Wednesday โ over the dissent of Judge Cornelia PIllard, an Obama appointee.
The D.C. Circuit move effectively forced Lamberth, a Reagan appointee, to act quickly if he wanted to keep the protections he had ordered in place.
He did so โ continuing his role as the federal judge most clearly protecting the rights of trans people in prison.
Mo Turner doesnโt often think about their time in the Oklahoma House of Representatives.
In that building, they were Mauree โ the first out nonbinary state legislator in United States history; the first Muslim elected in Oklahoma; a Black, queer, gender non-conforming lawmaker in one of the most conservative states in the country. Elected at 27 to represent House District 88, which includes much of Oklahoma City, they stepped into a political institution that had never belonged to someone like them before.
The job almost broke them. Turner left office in November 2024, four years into their tenure, after the work took a toll on their health. They are still recovering.
โI spent January 2026 walking. And weeping. And reading,โ Turner said. After the legislature took over their life, they had to find a way back to who they were before a national spotlight brought constant harassment, abuse and stress. Theyโve found solace in a particular song near the end of the Hamilton musical, when the eponymous founding father takes long, quiet walks after losing his son and stepping away from politics.
Turnerโs own walks can go on for three hours.
If thereโs one lesson Turner took from their time at the statehouse, itโs that politics wonโt help communities. People will.
Turner left the House of Representatives in November 2024, four years into their tenure, after the work took a toll on their health. They are still recovering. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
โI want people to understand that policy is not coming to save you,โ they said. โWe get justice, we get faith, we get warm meals, we get community right here when we start talking to folks.โ
Although the United States is a representative democracy, our political system still rejects anyone who strays too far from the norm. Turnerโs story shows how far from equal the nationโs politics still are โ and how being an out LGBTQ+ elected official today is just as revolutionary as it was five decades ago.
The violence holding democracy back
Elaine Noble was the first openly LGBTQ+ person ever elected to a state legislature, serving two terms in the Massachusetts House of Representatives in the 1970s. She described the campaign as ugly: her car was destroyed, her windows were shot through, her headquarters were vandalized. The harassment she received from colleagues in the statehouse was ugly, too. She routinely heard obscene profanities. Once, someone left human feces on her desk. Another time, a man stopped her as she walked to work and spat on her.
These are not just scenes from a distant past. Political violence against LGBTQ+ candidates is rising, according to a new report from the Victory Institute. Many LGBTQ+ candidates who ran for office between 2023 and 2025 experienced death threats on the trail. One candidate said their house was shot up by a neighbor. Another said that someone posted in a local newspaperโs online thread that a bullet should be put through their brain. Another candidate was shoved off a porch while door-knocking.
Some LGBTQ+ candidates receive death threats on social media at least once a week, according to the Victory Institute. A number of them respond to those threats by limiting voter engagement. Some avoid door-knocking and social media. Others decline public events entirely.
American politician and LGBT activist, Elaine Noble smiles after addressing the crowd at a Gay Rights rally on Boston Common, Boston, Massachusetts, 13th June 1977. Noble is openly gay and the Democratic Member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives from Back Bay, Boston. (Stan Grossfeld/The Boston Globe/Getty Images)
Rising violence against LGBTQ+ candidates doesnโt just scar candidates; it scars democracy, according to the authors of the report.
โThis is changing who feels able to run for office, how candidates are showing up in their campaigns, whether they can even remain in public life at all,โ said Pooja Prabhakaran, director of elected and appointed officials engagement at the LGBTQ+ Victory Institute. โThe broader piece of it is, who is able to serve and participate in democracy?โ
Death threats against Turner began as soon as they entered office. They received voicemails filled with racial slurs and obscene emails targeting their religion and LGBTQ+ identity. As a freshman lawmaker, they were surprised to learn that not everyone was treated that way. They thought death threats were commonplace.
Turner has dealt with harassment on a larger scale than many other LGBTQ+ candidates do, Prabhakaran said. For other trans people or LGBTQ+ people of color who consider running for office, there is a chilling effect: Do they want to be subjected to the same treatment?
Threats against Turner escalated after they were censured by the Oklahoma House of Representatives in 2023, during their second term. They were accused by the Republican leadership of โharboring a fugitiveโ โ a trans person who went to the statehouse with their partner to protest a bill that would ban gender-affirming care for minors.
At the protest, the couple got into a scuffle with a state trooper after one of them threw water at a state representative. One was arrested. The other sought out Turnerโs office.
Once Turner took office, there were eight Black legislators in the Oklahoma statehouse โ a record. Currently, there are six. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
โThis personโs spouse was just arrested. They came to my office to process. Thatโs what happened,โ Turner told The 19th at the time, in 2023. โI let folks get their affairs in order, because everyone was in agreeance that they were going to go ahead and turn themselves over.โ
Democrats said Turner cooperated with law enforcement during the search for the protester. Still, they were punished. Republicans asked Turner for a formal apology in exchange for keeping their committee assignments. They declined.
โI think an apology for loving the people of Oklahoma is something that I cannot do,โ they said at a press conference following the censure.
Many constituents already saw Turner as a trusted confidant. People would call to ask where they should move to escape anti-LGBTQ+ laws and how to crowdfund to help someone travel for an abortion. As politics restricted daily life, more and more people came to Turner for help.
Now, after earning that trust, they were silenced. They couldnโt shape legislation through committees or join caucus discussions to speak on behalf of voters in their district.
The threatening calls and emails got worse.
Some political violence is based on a candidateโs beliefs. Some of it is driven by a desire to intimidate them out of politics altogether because of their identity. Those who challenge the status quo often face the most backlash, said Kelly Dittmar, director of research at the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. And those conditions donโt just stop once someone gets into office, she said.
โI can have an elected position, but my power in that position is very much influenced by all of these other dynamics that are not formalized,โ Dittmar said. Thereโs a difference between politics as usual within a two-party system, where everyone jockeys for influence, and being seen as a threat for being different or a minority, she said.
Hostile territory
In 2023, Oklahoma lawmakers introduced 35 anti-LGBTQ+ bills, according to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) โ a lot more than most other states at the time. They passed laws enabling broad discrimination against trans people and restricting young students from learning about LGBTQ+ people. Inside the statehouse, Turner felt demoralized.
The next year, their Republican colleagues introduced 55 anti-LGBTQ+ bills. Oklahoma already had few legal protections for LGBTQ+ people, and things only got worse.
โI’m going into a job that doesn’t care about me in a state that it feels like doesn’t care about me,โ they said, reflecting on how they felt at the time.
Still, Turner was making an impact. As the first out transgender lawmaker in Oklahomaโs statehouse, they inspired young people. Students told Turner that they had never cared about politics until seeing them in office. High school and middle school students would approach them in the capitol to ask questions about their tenure for class reports.
They represented more than just House District 88. They represented younger generations of queer people in Oklahoma and beyond. Turner felt the weight of the responsibility. Thatโs what made it so hard for them to leave.
Turner found an ally in then-Rep. Monroe Nichols, a Democrat who now serves as the first Black mayor of Tulsa. Nichols was the only one who seemed to genuinely care that Turner was receiving death threats. He was the only one who made them feel human.
โI do think that there was solidarity in him being a Black man from Tulsa of all places, understanding what it looked like to feel discrimination or oppression,โ Turner said.
In March, Turner went back to the statehouse to help a friend, the executive director at Freedom Oklahoma, a state LGBTQ+ advocacy group, monitor anti-trans bills. But the building is still full of red tape. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
Once Turner took office, there were eight Black legislators in the Oklahoma statehouse โ a record. Currently, there are six. Most politicians in the building are White. The status quo of power in Oklahoma is very much White, cisgender, heterosexual and male, said Dittmar of Rutgers University. And those who break that mold are seen by others as a threat, she said.
Then thereโs this: In a state like Oklahoma, Democrats have very little leverage. On top of the low pay and high stress, thereโs a small chance of achieving any concrete policy wins. Republicans sponsor most state laws because 80 percent of the lawmakers are Republicans. Barely any bill passes without Republican support. Being in the minority party means taking on the steep personal costs of being in office in exchange for little payoff.
Toward the end of those four long years, Turner didnโt feel like a good legislator anymore. In their words, they were phoning it in. Although they did spark a committee hearing on repealing the stateโs HIV criminalization law, none of their bills advanced.
Turner would frequently sit in their car in the parking lot before work, trying to breathe through the rising panic and find the will to go inside. Walking into the statehouse each day was taking a deep toll on them.
The stress grew until they landed in the emergency room. At the beginning of their last legislative session, they were diagnosed with multiple sclerosis and underwent a procedure to have cancerous cells removed from their body. That health scare followed bouts of migraines, panic attacks and depression.
As their health cratered, they felt alone. After their visit to the emergency room, none of their colleagues checked to see how they were doing.
Turner knew something had to change. They were worried for their nephew, Anthony, whom they are raising on their own. While juggling their job and all the harassment that came with it, they were setting up daycare and school drop-offs โ everything that comes with being a single parent. Sometimes, Anthony would join them on the House floor if work ran late. But they had to leave by 7 p.m. to make it home at a reasonable time for dinner, bath and bedtime.
โI remember one day thinking, I would like to see him grow up,โ they said.
So they left. They walked away from politics.
โIt was a tough decision to make because I know that representation matters. And some days, me just showing up to work is the representation that people need,โ they said.
This is the passion that still fuels Turner: showing up for Oklahomans and showing up for young LGBTQ+ people who donโt feel heard by their elected representatives.
What real change looks like
In March, Turner went back to the statehouse to help a friend, the executive director at Freedom Oklahoma,a state LGBTQ+ advocacy group, monitor anti-trans bills. But the building is still full of red tape: Initially, they were barred from entering the gallery by statehouse security. The experience became a reminder of why they left.
To actually make change in their community, Turner knew they would have to work outside of politics.
Hereโs how: Theyโre working with the immigrant advocacy group Dream Action Oklahoma, making and distributing zines on how bystanders can intervene when Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents are out making arrests. They help serve community breakfast with the Foundation for Liberating Minds, a Black-led abolitionist group based in Oklahoma. And in their new job, they get to work with LGBTQ+ students from across the country.
Turner is the director of public policy and advocacy at GLISTEN, a national nonprofit that lobbies for LGBTQ+ students. Theyโre working to expand GLISTENโs National Student Council, a leadership program for high schoolers. Theyโre working on the curriculum for that program and thinking about how these students want to grow. Many of them want to become activists, or already are. These students represent a future that is rapidly changing, regardless of how many anti-LGBTQ+ laws are passed; more and more young people are identifying as queer and trans.
Turner is the director of public policy and advocacy at GLISTEN, a national nonprofit that lobbies for LGBTQ+ students. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
Working with students is a bright spot for Turner. Their organization is asking LGBTQ+ students about their experiences, their school policies and what they think needs to be different. And amid so much anti-LGBTQ+ hostility in politics, kids are making it clear that theyโre ready to make change on their own terms.
โYouth arenโt just saying, โOh, god, policy is so bad, whatever.โ Theyโre saying, โNo, maybe I will run for office. Or โIโll work on my friendโs campaign.โ Theyโre being outspoken,โ Turner said. โOur power lies in the streets, outside of any state legislature, and it always will.โ
Turner doesnโt think they will ever go back to politics. But that doesnโt mean theyโve stopped paying attention. They still keep tabs on bills moving through Oklahomaโs legislature. Lately, they said, things have been going from bad to worse.
The legislature just passed a law to create criminal penalties for providing gender-affirming care to minors and adults. No public funds or property may be used to provide the care, which threatens state university hospitals. The state Medicaid program will also no longer cover gender-affirming care for any patients.
This bill is just another step in stripping health care from all Oklahomans, Turner said. They want people to respond to laws like this by doing more than signing a petition or calling their local reps. They can reach out directly to state agencies, donate to local healthcare fundraisers or just talk to their neighbors.
โWhen the government fails us, what do we have?โ they said. For Turner, the answer is clear: community.
In a way, Turner has returned to their home turf as an activist. Before elected office, Turner worked with local branches of the ACLU, the NAACP and the Council on American-Islamic Relations. They learned the ways of the statehouse and now they know how to push for change outside.
And they donโt plan on leaving the state or their community in House District 88. Their brother went to college in this district. They worked an internship here. They met friends at Picasso Cafe and The Red Cup and had first kisses at local bars. Oklahoma City feels like such a queer place to them, and they have fallen in love with it.
โThis is my home. I love it,โ they said. โIโm going to stay and fight.โ
(Normally, I hold with the idea of not giving a candidate’s opposition name-advertising, but it is a strategy that can work if one of our own candidates are getting dragged through the mud. Platner’s not the first. Keep it short, sweet, and truthful, like this.)
A pair of hearings on Tuesday highlighted the extreme nature of DOJโs requests โ and the speed with which DOJ has moved to try and get the invasive patient data in recent weeks.
The Trump administrationโs actions aimed at making it more difficult for transgender minors to receive gender-affirming medical care regardless of state policies allowing or even protecting such care are facing strong pushback. And while the Justice Department has described a โnationwideโ investigation into the care, it was those challenging DOJ who prompted hearings on both coasts on Tuesday.
The Justice Departmentโs efforts to obtain information about patients who received gender-affirming medical care by way of administrative subpoenas and, more recently, grand jury subpoenas are extreme โ and lawyers say, unprecedented.
The pair of hearings Tuesday highlighted the extreme nature of DOJโs requests โ and the speed with which DOJ has moved to try and get the invasive patient data in recent weeks after nearly a year since the first requests went out in July 2025.
The administrative subpoenas have been blocked when challenged, leading a set of patients to seek a class-action order quashing the patient-specific requests in all of the administrative subpoenas.
At 10:00 a.m. ET Tuesday, U.S. District Judge Julie Rubin held a hearing related to that request at the Edward A. Garmatz U.S. District Courthouse in Baltimore.
Rubin, a Biden appointee, was one of the judges who had previously quashed the patient-specific requests, as to those who moved to quash the administrative subpoena issued to Childrenโs National Hospital (headquartered in D.C. but with locations in Maryland as well), finding that the โSubpoena lacks a legitimate purpose.โ
The bulk of Rubinโs questions to Rachel Berg from the National Center for LGBTQ Rights on Tuesday related to whether Rubin could certify a class in a motion to quash an administrative subpoena and, if not, how far relief could go.
Ultimately, Berg acknowledged that, if Rubin did not certify a class, relief could only reach those with a connection to Maryland. In their filing, they had noted that โ[a]t least two Movants currently reside in Maryland and four families received services from Childrenโs National Hospital in Maryland.โ
That would, however, not accomplish what the litigation is seeking to do โ stop DOJ from getting any of the patient-specific information in response to any of the administrative subpoenas. As such, if Rubin denies this request, there likely would be a further effort to accomplish that goal.
At the same time, Rubin pushed DOJโs Scott Dahlquist on the opposite side nearly as strongly as sheโd pushed Berg. When he insisted that the patients were seeking โsweeping, nationwideโ relief, Rubin asked how thatโs different from any class-action litigation. Dahlqustโs response was, essentially, that you canโt get class relief for an administrative subpoena.
On rebuttal, though, Berg responded that, though the patientsโ request to the court might be without a perfect match from past litigation, the reason that is so is because there is no precedent for the Justice Departmentโs actions here.
Although it is not clear how Rubin will rule, the relevance of the administrative subpoena fight could be taking on less importance in short order. As Law Dork has covered in depth, DOJโs apparent move to grand jury subpoenas issued in the Northern District of Texas in May is reaching a head โ with at least two grand jury subpoenas having initially had a return date of Wednesday, June 10.
Over the past week, patients ofLucile Salter Packard Children’s Hospital at Stanford have made efforts to block the grand jury subpoena issued to Packard. After a first attempt to block Packard from turning over the information โ in a lawsuit filed only against Packard โ was rejected over the weekend, the patients filed an expanded lawsuit on Monday. In that, they added the Justice Department and Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche as defendants and asking for class-action relief for all who received gender-affirming medical care as minors in California and, specifically, Packard patients (similar to litigation in New York City). They also filed a request for a temporary restraining order barring DOJ from receiving patient-specific information, given the forthcoming return-date deadline.
At 10:00 a.m. PT Tuesday, U.S. District Judge Casey Pitts held a conference related to that request. Pitts was presiding over the remote hearing from his courtroom at the Robert F. Peckham Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in San Jose.
The hearing before Pitts, another Biden appointee, ultimately, was less adversarial โ for now โ than the Baltimore hearing.
Late Monday, Pitts had issued a temporary order blocking Packard from turning over any more documents to the government and blocking DOJ from taking any further action to enforce any grand jury subpoenas that would affect the would-be class here while he considered the matter.
Everyone, more or less, was OK with keeping that status while taking up the TRO request on a slightly less rushed timeline.
Although it took a few minutes at the status conference for everyone to agree that everyone was on the same page, ultimately John Wollman, the assistant U.S. attorney from the Northern District of California representing the government at the hearing, while not acknowledging any grand jury subpoena, agreed to push back any Packard subpoena response date to June 25 to allow time for briefing and arguments on the patientsโ request.
Although the parties need to submit a briefing schedule to Pitts for how to proceed, the outcome is similar to that reached temporarily as to the grand jury subpoena challenge in New York City, where the next hearing is set for June 22.
In short, the grand jury subpoenas that are known to have been challenged are on hold for now by agreement of the government while the litigation is considered.
Despite that, though, the return date was June 10 on both published grand jury subpoenas, so it is possible that others are out there that have not been challenged and will lead to productions on Wednesday. (Of course, it is also possible there are other challenges that have just flown under the radar.)
Regardless, and as NCLRโs Berg detailed Tuesday in Baltimore, this is an unprecedented, multi-pronged attack on a small handful of children. Whatโs more, given the way DOJ is going about this, they and their families might not even know that their records might be turned over to the government โ or if their provider has even been subpoenaed.
Law Dork will continue to cover this story. If you know about any previously unreported subpoenas, other related DOJ efforts, or other challenges to those efforts, please reach out. Chris Geidner is available on Signal at crg.32 for more secure communications.
Another sitting congress person who is bought and owned by Israel to the point where he is adamant that Israel was not breaking the Leahy law on the use of military weapons.ย ย How did we the people let so many of our congress people be owned by foreign governments?ย Oh yes it was citizens united.ย ย That was one of the SCOTUS rulings that made bribery legal because the majority of right wing justices on the courts were taking bribes from wealthy people.ย ย Hugs