June 11, 1962 Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) held its founding convention in Michigan and issued The Port Huron Statement, laying out its principles and program. “In social change or interchange, we find violence to be abhorrent because it requires generally the transformation of the target, be it a human being or a community of people, into a depersonalized object of hate. It is imperative that the means of violence be abolished and the institutions—local, national, international—that encourage non-violence as a condition of conflict be developed.” Complete text of the Port Huron Statement (it’s a .pdf, in case you’re on a phone) Students for a Democratic Society: A Graphic History: Paul Buhle, Editor
June 11, 1963 Thich Quang Duc, a Buddhist monk from the Linh-Mu Pagoda in Hue, Vietnam, burned himself to death (self-immolation) in front of the U.S. embassy in downtown Saigon (now known as Ho Chi Minh City) to protest the the South Vietnamese regime the U.S. supported, and the war the Americans were waging. A painting of the scene on the street as Thich Quang Duc self-immolates in protest of the government and war in Vietnam
June 11, 1963 Vivian Malone (later Jones) preparing to enroll at Alabama with Deputy Attorney Gen, Nicholas Katzenbach (L) at her side. Alabama Governor George C. Wallace stood in the doorway of the University of Alabama in order to prevent the admission of two negro students in a failed attempt to maintain segregation in educational opportunities. He was forced to step aside later in the day when Vivian Malone and James Hood were registered as students.
June 11, 1968 Daniel Cohn-Bendit, known as Danny the Red, arrived in Britain, stirring up fears of campus unrest. The 23-year-old Paris law student had been given permission to remain in the U.K. just 24 hours, but immediately threatened to defy the authorities and out-stay his official welcome [his visit was later legally extended to 14 days]. Cohn-Bendit, a German citizen, had been expelled from France in May for being an organizer of the French student and worker demonstrations which almost brought that country to a standstill the previous month. Daniel Cohn-Bendit and a Paris policeman in 1968. “I don’t know how long I will stay. I think it’s a free country” -Daniel Cohn-Bendit He currently sits as a Green Party deputy in the European Parliament. The news at the time Daniel Cohn-Bendit today
June 11, 1970 Representative Martha Griffiths (D-Michigan) filed a discharge petition signed by a majority of all members of the U.S. House of Representatives, a seldom used parliamentary move, to bring the Equal Rights amendment to the House floor for consideration. She saw this as the only way to get the constitutional amendment out of the Judiciary Committee where it had been held by its chairman, Emmanuel Cellar (D-New York), who had refused to even hold hearings on the matter. Representative Griffiths had introduced the amendment every year since 1948. Representative Martha Griffiths from Detroit’s west side
June 11, 1988 100,000 marched from United Nations headquarters in New York City to Central Park during the 3rd U.N. Special Session on Disarmament. Though there had been progress in recent years on disarmament, the U.N. meeting yielded nothing but stalemate. Read more
June 11, 2010 Scientists studying the scale of the then-ongoing BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico doubled the previous estimate of the scale of the flow of oil into the Gulf. Initially, BP and the government had said that no more than 1000 barrels (42 U.S. gallons per barrel) per day were leaking, later raised to 5000. The fine for oil spills was $4300 per barrel. The new estimate was between 20,000 and 40,000 barrels per day. If the spill had been stopped that day (the well was not capped until early August), it would have exceeded the Exxon Valdez spill by a factor of eight.
Picture this: It’s 1970, and America’s movie theaters reek of stale popcorn, cigarette smoke, and something else—the acrid stench of fear. Fear of bodies that didn’t conform, desires that couldn’t be spoken, identities that existed only in shadows and whispered confessions. Then, like a fucking earthquake splitting the earth’s crust, came The Boys in the Band—not tiptoeing through Hollywood’s garden of heteronormative roses, but kicking down the door with combat boots and declaring war on silence.
William Friedkin’s adaptation of Mart Crowley’s play didn’t just put gay men on screen; it threw them there bleeding, bitching, and beautifully broken. The audience could taste the bitter cocktail of self-loathing mixed with razor-sharp wit, could feel the electric tension crackling between characters who wielded words like switchblades. This wasn’t representation—this was revolution disguised as entertainment, a Molotov cocktail hurled at the pristine facade of American cinema.
The psychological impact on LGBTQ+ viewers was seismic. For the first time, queers sitting in darkened theaters saw themselves reflected not as tragic figures destined for suicide or sanitized saints, but as complex, contradictory, gloriously fucked-up human beings. The film’s unflinching portrayal of internalized homophobia—characters tearing each other apart with vicious precision—served as both mirror and exorcism. Viewers could finally name the demons that had been eating them alive, could see their own struggles projected thirty feet high in Technicolor fury.
Trans Bodies on Fire: The Gender-Fucking Revolution
Before there was language, before there were support groups or pride parades, there was The Rocky Horror Picture Show—a glittering, sequined middle finger raised high against every gender binary that dared exist. Tim Curry’s Dr. Frank-N-Furter didn’t just cross-dress; he obliterated the very concept of fixed identity, serving looks that could melt steel and charm that could seduce a nun. The film became a weekly religious experience for outcasts and misfits, transforming movie theaters into sanctuaries where “abnormal” became sacrament.
The sensory assault was deliberate and intoxicating: the smell of cheap makeup mixing with nervous sweat, the sound of fishnet stockings ripping as audience members transformed themselves into their truest selves, the taste of liberation on tongues that had been silenced for too long. Rocky Horror created a space where gender became performance art, where conformity went to die, and where every Saturday night became a resurrection.
The psychological liberation was profound. Trans viewers found validation in Frank-N-Furter’s unapologetic embrace of fluidity, while questioning viewers discovered permission to explore identities they’d never dared name. The film’s interactive nature—audiences shouting back at the screen, participating in the narrative—created a communal catharsis that individual therapy could never match.
Orlando arrived two decades later like a ethereal fever dream, with Tilda Swinton embodying centuries of gender transformation through Sally Potter’s lens. Here was gender not as costume but as evolution, not as crisis but as natural progression. The film’s languid pacing forced viewers to marinate in ambiguity, to sit with discomfort until it transformed into acceptance, then into celebration.
The Crying Game hit different—like a sucker punch followed by a tender kiss. Neil Jordan’s thriller weaponized audience assumptions, then forced viewers to confront their own transphobia in real-time. The revelation about Dil became a cultural watershed moment, dividing film history into before and after. Suddenly, dinner table conversations across America were grappling with questions that had never been asked out loud.
The psychological impact on trans viewers was complex and often contradictory. Some found validation in seeing trans characters as more than punchlines or victims, while others felt exploited by the shock-value treatment of trans identity. The film sparked conversations that were long overdue, even when those conversations were messy, uncomfortable, and occasionally hostile.
Leather, Longing, and the Masculine Mystique
Cruising descended into theaters like a demon emerging from hell’s own basement, dragging audiences through New York’s leather underground with the subtlety of a sledgehammer to the skull. William Friedkin didn’t just film gay culture; he dissected it with surgical precision, exposing the raw nerves where desire meets violence, where identity becomes performance, where the line between hunter and hunted dissolves in strobe lights and poppers.
The film’s sensory assault was overwhelming: the throb of disco basslines that you felt in your chest cavity, the smell of leather and sweat and something darker, the visual overload of bodies in motion, muscles straining against restraints both literal and metaphorical. Al Pacino’s descent into this world became every viewer’s journey into their own shadow self, the parts of desire that polite society pretended didn’t exist.
The psychological effects were explosive and divisive. Gay men in theaters found themselves simultaneously aroused and terrified, seeing their community’s most extreme margins projected for mainstream consumption. Some felt exposed, violated, their private world stripped naked for heterosexual titillation. Others felt liberated by the film’s refusal to sanitize gay desire, its acknowledgment that sexuality could be dangerous, transgressive, and transformative.
Sunday Bloody Sunday offered a different kind of revelation—mature, sophisticated, unapologetically honest about love’s messy realities. John Schlesinger’s triangular love story featuring Peter Finch as an openly gay man navigating desire without shame created a new template for queer cinema. This wasn’t tragedy or comedy; this was life, served neat without the chaser of societal judgment.
The film’s matter-of-fact treatment of gay relationships was revolutionary in its ordinariness. No coming-out trauma, no tragic endings, no apologetic explanations—just human beings loving, losing, and continuing to breathe. For LGBTQ+ viewers, this representation was oxygen for souls that had been suffocating on a diet of tragic queers and comedic stereotypes.
Lesbian Desire: From Shadows to Sunlight
Lesbian cinema in this era moved from whispered suggestions to bold declarations, from tragic endings to triumphant beginnings. The Killing of Sister George emerged from the underground like a feral cat, all claws and snarls and magnificent rage. Robert Aldrich’s brutal examination of lesbian relationships didn’t flinch from ugliness—the manipulation, the internalized homophobia, the way oppression could turn love into a weapon.
Beryl Reid’s performance was a masterclass in controlled demolition, watching a woman destroy everything she touched while desperately grasping for connection. The film’s unflinching portrayal of lesbian relationships—complex, messy, and occasionally toxic—provided representation that was real rather than idealized. For lesbian viewers, seeing their community portrayed with full humanity, including its shadows, was both painful and profoundly validating.
Desert Hearts offered redemption and possibility, Donna Deitch’s adaptation of Jane Rule’s novel serving up hope like cold water in a desert. Set in 1950s Reno, the film followed an academic’s journey from divorce to self-discovery, from social conformity to authentic desire. The Nevada landscape became a metaphor for internal transformation—vast, beautiful, and dangerous.
The sensory details were crucial: the crack of pool balls echoing like gunshots, the smell of cigarettes and whiskey mixing with perfume and possibility, the heat radiating from skin finally allowed to want what it wanted. For lesbian viewers, Desert Hearts offered a template for their own coming-out narratives—messy, beautiful, and ultimately triumphant.
Lianna brought lesbian experience into the suburban mainstream with John Sayles’ sensitive direction. The film’s psychological realism was groundbreaking—showing the internal process of sexual awakening without sensationalizing or pathologizing it. Viewers could taste the protagonist’s confusion, feel her excitement and terror as she navigated new desires while dismantling old assumptions about herself.
The AIDS Crisis: Love in the Time of Dying
Longtime Companion arrived like a punch to the solar plexus, chronicling AIDS’ devastating impact on a circle of gay friends with unflinching honesty. Norman René’s ensemble piece transformed personal tragedy into universal human drama, forcing audiences to confront the epidemic’s toll not through statistics but through faces, voices, and stories.
The film’s emotional brutality was necessary and healing. Viewers experienced the full spectrum of grief—denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and something resembling acceptance. The beach scene, where surviving characters imagine their dead friends joining them one last time, became a collective catharsis for a community drowning in loss.
For LGBTQ+ viewers, Longtime Companion provided validation for their grief, rage, and resilience. The film acknowledged that gay relationships were worth mourning, that gay lives had value, that gay love deserved recognition. In a world that often seemed indifferent to queer suffering, the film became a memorial, a battle cry, and a love letter all at once.
Parting Glances offered a different perspective on the crisis—intimate, funny, and heartbreakingly human. Bill Sherwood’s New York snapshot captured gay life with humor and tenderness, refusing to let AIDS define the entire gay experience. The film’s portrayal of friendship, love, and community in the face of mortality provided a blueprint for survival.
International Voices: Expanding the Revolution
The revolution wasn’t contained by borders. My Beautiful Laundrette mixed racial politics with queer desire against Thatcherite Britain’s backdrop, creating social dynamite that exploded conventions about class, race, and sexuality. Stephen Frears’ direction transformed a love story between Omar and Johnny into a meditation on identity, economics, and the price of conformity.
The film’s sensory details were crucial—the smell of industrial detergent mixing with forbidden desire, the sound of washing machines providing rhythm for secret encounters, the visual contrast between public respectability and private rebellion. For viewers navigating multiple marginalized identities, the film offered recognition that oppression could be intersectional and resistance could be revolutionary.
Entre Nous explored female friendship and desire in post-war France with Diane Kurys’ autobiographical honesty. The film’s examination of emotional intimacy challenging conventional marriage provided a template for understanding relationships that existed outside traditional categories. The psychological complexity of female friendship—its intensity, its potential for transformation, its threat to established order—was portrayed with rare sensitivity.
The Aesthetic Revolution: Beauty as Resistance
These films didn’t just tell different stories; they created new visual languages for desire, identity, and rebellion. The Adventures of Priscilla, Queen of the Desert transformed the Australian outback into a canvas for drag performance and self-discovery, proving that authenticity could flourish in the most unlikely places.
The film’s sensory explosion was deliberate—the clash of sequins against red dirt, the sound of high heels on desert sand, the taste of dust and dreams mixing in the desert air. For drag performers and gender-nonconforming viewers, Priscilla offered validation that their art was transformative, their visibility was revolutionary, their existence was celebration.
Death in Venice provided a different aesthetic—operatic, obsessive, and devastatingly beautiful. Luchino Visconti’s adaptation of Thomas Mann’s novella used Gustav Mahler’s music to underscore Dirk Bogarde’s descent into forbidden desire on plague-ridden Italian shores. The film’s lush visuals and overwhelming music created a sensory experience that bypassed rational thought, speaking directly to the subconscious where desire lives.
Psychological Warfare: The Internal Revolution
The psychological impact of these films on LGBTQ+ viewers cannot be overstated. For generations raised on invisibility or tragic representation, seeing complex, fully-realized queer characters was transformative therapy. These films provided:
Validation: Characters who experienced similar struggles, desires, and triumphs Language: Words and concepts for experiences that had been nameless Community: The knowledge that others shared these experiences Hope: Evidence that queer lives could include joy, love, and fulfillment Rage: Permission to be angry about oppression and discrimination Pride: Models for living authentically despite social pressure
The films also created psychological discomfort that was productive. They forced viewers to confront internalized homophobia, challenge assumptions about gender and sexuality, and grapple with the contradictions between public personas and private desires.
Cultural Warfare: Changing Hearts and Minds
These 24 films didn’t just reflect cultural change; they catalyzed it. Each screening became an act of resistance, each ticket purchase a vote for visibility, each conversation sparked by these films a crack in the foundation of heteronormative assumptions.
The films created cultural currency for LGBTQ+ experiences. References to Rocky Horror became shorthand for gender fluidity. The Boys in the Band provided vocabulary for gay male relationships. Desert Hearts offered a template for lesbian coming-out narratives. These films became cultural touchstones, reference points for understanding and discussing queer experience.
The broader cultural impact was seismic. Mainstream audiences encountered LGBTQ+ characters as fully-realized human beings rather than stereotypes or cautionary tales. The films forced conversations that hadn’t happened before, challenged assumptions that had gone unquestioned, and planted seeds of empathy in hostile soil.
The Legacy: Revolution Continues
These 24 films from 1970-1995 created the foundation for everything that followed. They proved that LGBTQ+ stories could be commercially viable, critically acclaimed, and culturally significant. They trained audiences to expect complexity rather than stereotypes, authenticity rather than exploitation.
The psychological impact on LGBTQ+ viewers created ripple effects that continue today. Viewers who found validation in these films went on to create art, build families, fight for rights, and live openly. The films provided models for resistance, templates for authenticity, and permission to exist unapologetically.
The cultural impact was equally profound. These films shifted the conversation from whether LGBTQ+ people deserved representation to how that representation should evolve. They created space for the explosion of queer cinema that followed, from Brokeback Mountain to Moonlight to The Danish Girl.
Conclusion: The Ongoing Revolution
These 24 films didn’t just entertain; they waged war against invisibility, fought battles against shame, and won victories for authenticity. They transformed movie theaters into battlegrounds, screens into mirrors, and stories into weapons of mass liberation.
The revolution they started continues in every Pride parade, every coming-out conversation, every film that dares to show LGBTQ+ characters as complex, worthy, and fully human. These films proved that visibility is power, that stories can change hearts, and that cinema can be a force for liberation.
For LGBTQ+ viewers who discovered these films in darkened theaters, on late-night television, or through word-of-mouth recommendations, the impact was profound and lasting. These films didn’t just reflect their experiences; they validated their existence, honored their struggles, and celebrated their humanity.
The blood, sweat, and tears that went into making these films—both literally and metaphorically—created a legacy that continues to inspire, challenge, and transform. They remind us that art can be revolutionary, that visibility is political, and that sometimes the most radical act is simply refusing to disappear.
These 24 films blazed a trail through the wilderness of cultural invisibility, creating a path that others could follow. They proved that LGBTQ+ stories weren’t just worth telling; they were essential to telling the complete story of human experience. The revolution they started continues, and their impact will be felt for generations to come.
Citations
Rich, Ruby B. 2013 “New Queer Cinema: The Director’s Cut“
Turner, K. 2023 “The Queer Film Guide: 100 great movies that tell LGBTQIA+ stories”
And now Trump is deploying the Marines. There is no need for this, and it’s illegal.
The situation in Los Angeles doesn’t require military assistance. There are already 2,100 guard troops in the area with another 2,000 on the way, and now 700 Marines will join the party at a cost of around $134 million to taxpayers, which is five Trump golf trips, or three Trump birthday parades.
The military is deploying 9,000 troops for the parade.
Back to LA, these are protests, not riots. But Trump’s trying to create a riot.
Trump posted on Monday, “IF THEY SPIT, WE WILL HIT, and I promise you they will be hit harder than they have ever been hit before. Such disrespect will not be tolerated!” Remember, this is the guy who pardoned White nationalists MAGAt terrorists who attacked cops on January 6, 2021. They did a lot more than spitting.
Trump is also praising himself, saying that Los Angeles would have “burned to the ground” if he hadn’t called in the National Guard. The protests are in a small area in the city of 4 million people. There were only around 400 protesters when Trump decided he should call in the military.
Trump wants a riot because it’ll give him more excuses to expand his power and extend his authoritarianism. Calling in more soldiers and Marines creates a much more hostile atmosphere, and creates more protests in other cities, which Trump will use to deploy more of the military to fight civilians. Trump is fanning the flames. In another post, he said we will “Liberate Los Angeles from the Migrant Invasion, and put an end to these Migrant riots. Order will be restored, the Illegals will be expelled, and Los Angeles will be set free.”
That post is designed to create riots. (snip-MORE, and it’s on point)
Ever since Donald Trump came down his racist escalator and vaulted himself to become leader of the Republican Party in 2015, a popular theory has taken hold in liberalism and particularly at the highest levels of the Democratic Party: “Distraction.”
The idea goes something like this: Because Trump is a creature of the modern media environment and because we are constantly bombarded with narrative after narrative, Trump and his acolytes within the GOP are regularly setting off distraction bombs, meant to keep us occupied while they’re up to no good behind closed doors.
There were two recent invocations of distraction theory worth noting. First, the fight between Elon Musk and Donald Trump was purportedly a distraction from the harm of the “Big Beautiful Bill” that intends to destroy the social safety net. A few days later, some Democratic leaders argued that the attempted military incursion of Los Angeles over immigration was also a “distraction” from the bill. It was also argued by California Gov. Gavin Newsom – who is directly involved in the Los Angeles “distraction,” ironically – that the deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to El Salvador was also a “distraction.”
If it isn’t already clear, I think this theory of the world is very stupid and frankly counterproductive. It operates as if we are still somewhere in the distant past, when only a few narratives could ever operate at one time, usually with a clear “A” story and one or more less important “B” stories. But it is 2025 and that method of operation has long been obsolete.
We are in an ideological war with the American right. They are attacking everything good and right about America and are trying their damnedest to drag us back to the stone age when women, minorities, and LGBTQ people were a subordinate slave class to the whims of wealthy, straight, white men.
These things aren’t distractions. They are fronts. America fought war on two fronts during World War II, taking on the Axis powers in the European and Pacific theaters. There wasn’t any choice in the matter. There were American soldiers island hopping toward Japan and there were soldiers landing on the beaches of France and Italy on their way to Berlin. Leaders like Franklin Roosevelt and General Dwight D. Eisenhower, while they had to prioritize targets and objectives, didn’t have the luxury of saying the war couldn’t be fought on either side of the U.S. It was an existential battle for survival and they were victorious on both sides.
That is the situation we are in now against conservatism and Republicans. Liberals have to make the case, over and over, that these people are unfit to rule and shouldn’t be allowed anywhere near the levers of power. Every action that liberals and its representatives within the Democratic Party undertake should underscore that clear goal.
That means war on multiple fronts. Sometimes that means pushing legislation and investigation. Sometimes that means a press conference or media briefing. And yes, sometimes that means childish insults, memes, and trash talk.
June 10, 1917 The Women’s Peace Crusade in Scotland launched a three-week campaign of street meetings and demonstrations in dozens of towns to build support for peace in the midst of what was then called The Great War (now known as World War I). More about the Womens’s Peace Crusade
June 10, 1937 The mayor of Monroe, Michigan, organized a citizens’ posse of some 1400 vigilantes, armed with baseball bats and tear gas, to combat the union organizing drive at local Newton Steel. The mob threw a dozen of the picketers’ cars into the River Raisin. Steelworkers’ cars were rolled into Monroe, Michigan’s River Raisin by strike breakers recruited by the mayor. The 120 striking steelworkers and their supporters were working to form unions in the “Little Steel” companies which, unlike U.S. Steel, continued to resist unionization. Newton had just been purchased by Republic Steel [see Chicago’s Memorial Day Massacre [May 30, 1937]. The whole story (Note from Ali: the link in the newsletter was no longer functional. Doing a search of cars going into the River Raisin is really interesting, even simply in modern times! I had to search the specific date to get this report. Seems like an “active” place, there in Monroe!)
June 10, 1963 The “Equal Pay Act of 1963” was passed and signed into law; it guaranteed women equal pay for equal work. The legislation was a result of the recommendations of President John F. Kennedy’s Commission on the Status of Women. The law itself
June 10, 1980 Nelson Mandela’s first writings, and those of other imprisoned anti-apartheid leaders, were smuggled out and made public while they were imprisoned on South Africa’s Robben Island. “ As I read these fascinating essays, I was struck so forcibly by the importance of memory, of history, for both the individual and the community. . . . I pray that our people and especially our children will, by reading this collection of essays, remember the very high price that has been paid to achieve our freedom.” – Desmond Tutu, from the foreword Nelson Mandela’s cell on Robben Island, where he spent 17 years Review of Reflections in Prison Portions of the book
So many old friends in Wichita deplore the conservatism, and yes, there are more voters voting Republican than Dem (though their Dem party is healthy.) Yet, Wichita loves everyone, and I love that! If you’re lucky the little video player on the page will work, and you can watch the broadcast. https://www.ksn.com/video/ict-big-gay-market-hosts-event-for-3rd-year/9749633
June 9, 1872 Julia Ward Howe, an abolitionist and the composer of “Battle Hymn of the Republic,” tried to establish the Mothers’ Peace Day Observance on the second Sunday in June. In 1872 the first such celebration was held and the meetings continued for several years. Her idea was widely accepted, but she was never able to get the day recognized as an official holiday. Mothers’ Peace Day was the predecessor of the Mothers’ Day holiday in the United States now celebrated on the third Sunday of May. Julia Ward Howe ca.1898 Her proclamation read in part: “As men have often forsaken the plough and the anvil at the summons of war, Let women now leave all that may be left of home For a great and earnest day of counsel. Let them meet first, as women, to bewail and commemorate the dead. Let them solemnly take counsel with each other as to the means Whereby the great human family can live in peace….”
June 9, 1954 Special Counsel for the U.S. Army Joseph N. Welch confronted Senator Joseph P. McCarthy (R-Wisconsin) during hearings into alleged communist infiltration of the Army Signal Corps.McCarthy had attacked a member of Welch’s law firm, Frederick G. Fischer, among many others, as a communist. This was alleged due to Fischer’s prior membership in the National Lawyers Guild. The Guild was the nation’s first racially integrated bar association. Army counsel Joseph N. Welch (l) confronts Senator Joseph McCarthy (r) Welch was outraged by the attempt to destroy the reputation and career of someone of whose integrity he had no doubt: “Until this moment, senator, I think I never gauged your cruelty or recklessness . . . . Have you no sense of decency, sir? At long last, have you left no sense of decency?” The entire hearings and this encounter were seen live on television, the first congressional committee hearings ever to be broadcast. McCarthy’s ability to make such accusations was soon greatly diminished. Watch the confrontation National Lawyers Guild, since 1937 and today
June 9, 1984 150,000 marched in London, England, for nuclear disarmament, protesting the presence of U.S. cruise missiles on British soil.
June 9, 1993 Police banned a vigil by Women in Black (Zene u Crnom) in Belgrade, Serbia. Who are the Women in Black? Women in Black demonstrations combine art & politics
A third day of protests against immigration raids was expected to take place in the Los Angeles area on Sunday, hours after President Trump took the extraordinary action of ordering at least 2,000 National Guard members to assist immigration agents clashing with demonstrators.
The announcement by Mr. Trump — who said that any protest or act of violence that impeded officials would be considered a “form of rebellion” — was an escalation that put Los Angeles squarely at the center of tensions over his administration’s immigration crackdown and made rare use of federal powers to bypass the authority of California’s governor, Gavin Newsom.
Mr. Trump issued the order on Saturday as law enforcement officers faced off with hundreds of protesters for a second consecutive day in the Los Angeles area, in some cases using rubber bullets and flash-bang grenades. Mr. Newsom described Mr. Trump’s order as “purposefully inflammatory,” saying that the federal government was mobilizing the National Guard “not because there is a shortage of law enforcement, but because they want a spectacle.”
Confrontations broke out on Saturday near a Home Depot in the heavily Latino city of Paramount, south of Los Angeles, where federal agents were staging at a Department of Homeland Security office nearby.
Agents unleashed tear gas, flash-bang explosives and pepper balls, and protesters hurled rocks and cement at Border Patrol vehicles. Smoke wafted from small piles of burning refuse in the streets.
Tensions were high after a series of sweeps by immigration authorities the previous day, including in LA’s fashion district and at a Home Depot, as the weeklong tally of immigrant arrests in the city climbed past 100. A prominent union leader was arrested while protesting and accused of impeding law enforcement.
The National Guard has not yet been deployed to the sites of any protests in Los Angeles County, according to its sheriff’s department. “We were told that the National Guard had been deployed, however they are not on the scene or the ground yet,” Deputy Sheriff Tracy Koerner said around 1:45 a.m. local time. Earlier Sunday, Mayor Karen Bass said the National Guard had not been deployed in the city limits.
The Los Angeles Police Department said at midnight that it detained “multiple” people who breached an area near the city’s Metropolitan Detention Center where the agency had declared an “unlawful assembly.” “Those detained will be arrested and booked for failing to disperse,” the force said on social media. Earlier, police said a section of Alameda Street was closed to all vehicle and pedestrian traffic.
The cult is celebrating on X, with some calling for the use of “live rounds” on protesters. Trump’s post below came at 2:41am, presumably upon his return from a UFC match where he was seated with Mike Tyson.
Post
See new posts
Conversation
emptywheel (check)
@emptywheel
SEIU CA President David Huerta was assaulted and arrested for peaceful protest. The injuries the assault caused required hospital care.
Quote
JD Vance
@JDVance
·
Replying to @JDVance
For the far left rioters, some helpful advice; peaceful protest is good. Rioting and obstructing justice is not.
Deploying troops to communities already under pressure is not leadership—it’s provocation. The Trump Administration is weaponizing fear to divide and destabilize. We will not be silent. We stand with those targeted and terrorized. We fight for justice. Always.
Quote
Gavin Newsom
@GavinNewsom
·
The federal government is taking over the California National Guard and deploying 2,000 soldiers in Los Angeles — not because there is a shortage of law enforcement, but because they want a spectacle. Don’t give them one.
Brian Allen
@allenanalysis
Subscribe
In case you were wondering what sparked the LA standoff between protesters and federal agents, this is it. Immigrants showed up for routine ICE check-ins and were detained on the spot. Hauled into the basement. Held overnight like fugitives. No warning. No due process. Just snatched. “Land of the free,” right?
Republicans against Trump
@RpsAgainstTrump
Subscribe
During his first term, Trump asked Defense Secretary Mark Esper to shoot protesters. Esper refused. Now he has Pete Hegseth. God help us all
JD Vance now wants to use the chaos ICE is causing in Los Angeles as pretext to pressure politicians to pass the Republican budget bill that will saddle Americans with trillions of dollars of debt, skyrocket the deficit, take away people’s healthcare, and give massive tax breaks to the wealthy.
Jo
@JoJoFromJerz
Subscribe
Weird how he didn’t call up the National Guard on January 6th.
Post
See new posts
Conversation
Crooks and Liars
@crooksandliars
Trump sends in his brown shirts to cause disruption so he can use the insurrection act or whatever fucked rational he comes up with to send in the the National G. Mussolini gives a thumbs up in his grave.
Quote
MeidasTouch
@MeidasTouch
·
Trump lit the match, poured the gasoline, and now wants to use the blaze he is creating as pretext to burn it all down.
A powder keg is about to explode: With masks to hide their identity, this is what a Nazi takeover of the streets of Los Angeles looks like. Trump’s cosplaying ICE Gestapo is carrying out a lawless assault against one of the most diverse cities in America.
I was told ICE was going to arrest gangsters and mobsters. But all I see is fat white guys in cosplay doin jobsite raids, school raids, and arresting mothers with kids who are applying for citizenship.
Ask yourself why ICE is conducting raids in cities like LA and Chicago, where they face strong opposition, while massive agribusinesses in places like Kristi Noem’s South Dakota remain untouched.
Your boss pardoned cop beaters at the January 6th riot
CBP
@CBP
Let this be clear: Anyone who assaults or impedes a federal law enforcement officer or agent in the performance of their duties will be arrested and swiftly prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. Attack a cop, and life long consequences will follow!
This guy is living out his camo fantasy right now like it’s a game. Disgusting.
Acyn
@Acyn
Tom Homan: We are making Los Angeles safer. Mayor Bass should be thanking us. She says they are going to mobilize—guess what? We are already mobilizing. We are going to bring the National Guard in tonight
President Obama deported 3 million people and managed to do so without using stormtroopers and the National Guard. Like everything else, Obama was better at that too.
Trump is sending in highly visible and armored ICE agents to LA and other big cities. He’s deliberately creating conflict so he can federalize the National Guard to go in and start hurting American citizens. That’s the end game.
The person most responsible for the chaos and violence in southern California right now is @StephenM – who screamed at and fired ICE officials for not making 3,000 arrests per day Now he’s put ICE agents, police officers, protesters, immigrants, and innocent bystanders at riskShow more
It’s even worse than just “capturing them at court dates”…they are dropping charges against the people for the sole purpose of arresting and deporting them as they are leaving the courthouse, It’s underhanded bullshit.
TACO will declare a national emergency and then suspend Habeas Corpus and initiate mass arrests. The captured true American Patriots protesting the Dear TACO will be sent to concentration camps. Who will stop him? More court orders.
Legal or not, it’s going to take an escalation by the Mayor or Governor, telling their officers to arrest and detain ICE members for trespassing and kidnapping, to attempt to end this. Governor could just tell the National Guard to disobey. It’s going to take open defiance by those with the power to smack down these fascists who think they have all the power.
“Her insistence that the rights of women, people in poverty, people of color, and immigrants all be upheld within the political Left, as well as without it, left a legacy of intersectionality that was ahead of its time.”