That pesky thing called the US CONSTITUTION says that the people have a right to protest the government.Β The last ten or more years the federal government has been trying to restrain the rights of the people to protest or have their voices heard.Β This is another example.Β Hugs
https://www.wired.com/story/dhs-tells-police-that-common-protest-activities-are-violent-tactics/
DHS is urging law enforcement to treat even skateboarding and livestreaming as signs of violent intent during a protest, turning everyday behavior into a pretext for police action.
The Department ofΒ Homeland Security is urging local police to consider a wide range ofΒ protest activityΒ as violent tactics, including mundane acts like riding a bike or livestreaming a police encounter, WIRED has learned.
Threat bulletins issued duringΒ last monthβs βNo Kingsβ protestsΒ warn that the US governmentβs aggressive immigration raids are almost certain to accelerate domestic unrest, with DHS saying thereβs a βhigh likelinessβ more Americans will soon turn against the agency, which could trigger confrontations near federal sites.
Blaming intense media coverage and backlash to the US military deployment in Los Angeles, DHS expects the demonstrations to βcontinue and grow across the nationβ as protesters focused on other issues shift to immigration, following a broad βembracement of anti-ICE messaging.β
The bulletinsβfirst obtained by theΒ national security nonprofit Property of the PeopleΒ through public records requestsβwarn that officers could face assaults with fireworks and improvised weapons: paint-filled fire extinguishers, smoke grenades, and projectiles like bottles and rocks.
At the same time, the guidance urges officers to consider a range of nonviolent behavior and common protest gearβlike masks, flashlights, and camerasβas potential precursors to violence, telling officers to prepare βfrom the point of view of an adversary.β
Protesters on bicycles, skateboards, or even βon footβ are framed as potential βscoutsβ conducting reconnaissance or searching for βitems to be used as weapons.β Livestreaming is listed alongside βdoxxingβ as a βtacticβ for βthreateningβ police. Online posters are cast as ideological recruitersβor as participants in βsurveillance sharing.β
One list of βviolent tacticsβ shared by the Los Angelesβbased Joint Regional Intelligence Centerβpart of a post-9/11 fusion networkβincludes both protestersβ attempts to avoid identification and efforts to identify police. The memo also alleges thatΒ face recognition, normally aΒ tool of law enforcement, was used against officers.
Vera Eidelman, a senior staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union, says the government has no business treating constitutionally protected activitiesβlike observing or documenting policeβas threats.
DHS did not respond to a request for comment.
βExercising those rights shouldn’t be justification for adverse action or suspicion by the government,β Eidelman says. Labeling something as harmless as skateboarding at a protest as a violent threat is βdisturbing and dangerous,β she adds, and could βeasily lead to excessive force against people who are simply exercising their First Amendment rights.β
βThe DHS report repeatedly conflates basic protest, organizing, and journalism with terroristic violence, thereby justifying ever more authoritarian measures by law enforcement,β says Ryan Shapiro, executive director of Property of the People. βIt should be sobering, if unsurprising, that the Trump regimeβs response to mass criticism of its police state tactics is to escalate those tactics.β
Fusion centers like JRIC play a central role in how police understand protest movements. The intelligence they produce is rapidly disseminated and draws heavily on open-source data. It often reflects broad, risk-averse assumptions and includes fragmentary and unverified information. In the absence of concrete threats, bulletins often turn to ideological language and social media activity as evidence of emerging risks, even when tied to lawful expression.
DHSβs risk-based approach reflects a broader shift in US law enforcement shaped by post-9/11 security prioritiesβone that elevates perceived intent over demonstrable wrongdoing and uses behavior cues, affiliations, and other potentially predictive indicators to justify early intervention and expanded surveillance.
A year ago, DHS warned that immigration-related grievances were driving a spike in threats against judges, migrants, and law enforcement, predicting that new laws and high-profile crackdowns would further radicalize individuals. In February, another fusion center reported renewed calls for violence against police and government officials, citing backlash to perceived federal overreach and identifying then-upcoming protests and court rulings as likely triggers.
At times, the sprawling predictions may appear prescient, echoing real-world flashpoints: In Alvarado, Texas, an allegedΒ coordinated ambushΒ at a detention center this week drew ICE agents out with fireworks before gunfire erupted on July 4, leaving a police officer shot in the neck. (Nearly a dozen arrests have been made, at least 10 on charges of attempted murder.)
In advance of protests, agencies increasingly rely on intelligence forecasting to identify groups seen as ideologically subversive or tactically unpredictable. Demonstrators labeled βtransgressiveβ may be monitored, detained without charges, or met with force.
Social movement scholars widely recognize the introduction of preemptive protest policing as a departure from late-20th century approaches that prioritized de-escalation, communication, and facilitation. In its place, authorities have increasingly emphasized control of demonstrations through early intervention, surveillance, and disruptionβmonitoring organizers, restricting public space, and responding proactively based on perceived risks rather than actual conduct.
Infrastructure initially designed to combat terrorism now often serves to monitor street-level protests, with virtual investigations units targeting demonstrators for scrutiny based on online expression. Fusion centers, funded through DHS grants, have increasingly issued bulletins flagging protest slogans, references to police brutality, and solidarity events as signs of possible violenceβdisseminating these assessments to law enforcement absent clear evidence of criminal intent.
Surveillance of protesters has included the construction of dossiers (known as βbaseball cardsβ) with analysts using high-tech tools to compile subjectsβ social media posts, affiliations, personal networks, and public statements critical of government policy.
Obtained exclusively by WIRED, a DHS dossier on Mahmoud Khalil, the former Columbia graduate student and anti-war activist, shows that analysts drew information from Canary Mission, a shadowy blacklist that anonymously profiles critics of Israeli military action and supporters of Palestinian rights.
In federal court Wednesday, a senior DHS officialΒ acknowledgedΒ that material from Canary Mission had been used to compile more than 100 dossiers on students and scholars, despite the site’s ideological slant, mysterious funding, and unverifiable sourcing.
Threat bulletins can also prime officers to anticipate conflict, shaping their posture and decisions on the ground. In the wake of violent 2020 protests, the San Jose Police Department in California cited the βnumerous intelligence bulletinsβ it received from its local regional fusion center, DHS, and the FBI, among others, as central to understanding βthe mindset of the officers in the days leading up to and throughout the civil unrest.β
Specific bulletins cited by the SJPDβwhose protest response prompted aΒ $620,000 settlementΒ this monthβframed the demonstrations as possible cover for βdomestic terrorists,β warned of opportunistic attacks on law enforcement and promoted an βunconfirmed reportβ of U-Haul vans purportedly being used to ferry weapons and explosives.
SubsequentΒ reportingΒ in the wake of BlueLeaksβa 269-gigabyte dump of internal police documents obtained by a source identifying as the hacktivist group Anonymous and published by transparency groupΒ Distributed Denial of Secretsβfound federal bulletins riddled with unverified claims, vague threat language, and outright misinformation, including alerts about a parody website that supposedly paid protesters and accepted bitcoin to set cars on fire, despite a clear banner labeling the site βFAKE.β
Threat alertsβunclassified and routinely accessible to the pressβcan help law enforcement shape public perception of protests before they begin, laying the groundwork to legitimize aggressive police responses. Unverified DHS warnings about domestic terrorists infiltrating demonstrations in 2020, publicly echoed by the agencyβs acting secretary on Twitter, were widely circulated andΒ amplified in media coverage.
Americans are generally opposed to aggressive protest crackdowns, but when they do support them, fear is often the driving force. Experimental research suggests that support for the use of coercive tactics hinges less on what protesters actually do than on how theyβre portrayedβby officials, the media, and through racial and ideological frames.
Dell CameronΒ is an investigative reporter from Texas covering privacy and national security. He’s the recipient of multiple Society of Professional Journalists awards and is co-recipient of an Edward R. Murrow Award for Investigative Reporting. Previously, he was a senior reporter at Gizmodo and a staff writer for the Daily …Β Read More



Jessie Balmert
