
https://www.gocomics.com/lards-world-peace-tips
All these creators are indeed blessed!
(I did not verify this one; I simply enjoyed the jam.)

https://www.gocomics.com/lards-world-peace-tips
All these creators are indeed blessed!
(I did not verify this one; I simply enjoyed the jam.)

Three weeks ago, on April 29, lawyers for Rhode Island Hospital responded to an email from a Justice Department lawyer in Washington, D.C., sent the day before, asking for a conference on next steps in addressing an outstanding administrative subpoena issued by DOJ to the hospital nearly a year earlier about its provision of gender-affirming care for transgender minors.
The next day, DOJ shifted tactics without even initially telling the hospital โ going to court across the country to try and get an order enforcing the subpoena.
At least seven challenges to the invasive subpoenas had previously resulted in federal court rulings quashing the subpoenas or, at least, the parts of the subpoenas seeking identifiable patient information. In the wake of those losses โ and as Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche took over the Justice Department โ the strategy, as Law Dork has covered, began to shift to more aggressive tactics on multiple fronts.
The change has had at least one tangible effect already with regards to Rhode Island Hospital.
Beginning Tuesday night, at least some records responsive to the administrative subpoena were sent to a far-right federal judge in Texas who on Monday ordered the hospital to provide the records to him โ although, for now, not to DOJ โ while the hospital appeals his earlier ruling that the records need to be turned over to DOJ.
Any action on that earlier ruling, however, would appear to conflict with a later ruling from a federal judge in Rhode Island quashing the subpoena in full and barring DOJ from receiving any such records from the hospital โ although the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit late Tuesday denied a request to take further action immediately to enforce that order.
This latest dispute, which has now involved four courts across the country, as well as related discussions in court filings and before a federal judge in Rhode Island, serve as a warning for transgender people, their allies, and the parents of trans kids about how aggressively the Trump administration is acting to advance President Donald Trumpโs anti-trans policies and then-Attorney General Pam Bondiโs implementation of them โ and where the administration could be going next in this attack.
That April 28 DOJ email to Rhode Island Hospitalโs lawyers โ in which David Gunn, a DOJ lawyer, referenced having been out of office for the past few weeks before asking for a conference to discuss the subpoena production โ was a DOJ response to a February 4 email from lawyers from the hospital.
The hospitalโs lawyer responded simply the next day: โWe are happy to connect. Would Monday of next week work?โ
The conference never happened because, on April 30, DOJ went to a friendly forum for them in the Northern District of Texas seeking to enforce the administrative subpoena, which, to be clear, was issued in D.C. to a Rhode Island entity. Going there meant the case had a good chance of and was, in fact, assigned to U.S. District Judge Reed OโConnor, a far-right judge with a history of anti-LGBTQ rulings.
Within hours, and before the hospital even had a chance to file any response, OโConnor granted the request โ ordering the hospital to turn over the records within two weeks.
Over the past three weeks, there have been daily developments โ and often multiple developments โ shining an alarming light on what is happening.
In addition to the order to enforce the subpoena in the Northern District of Texas, one of the two other most significant other development was the news โ acknowledged by NYU Langone Health in accordance with New York law on May 11 โ that it had received a grand jury subpoena for similar records that was issued in the Northern District of Texas.
Ethan Womble is listed as the person who sought the grand jury subpoena. He is, as of last month, an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Northern District of Texas. (He was previously listed โ as recently as February โ as a trial attorney in the DOJ Criminal Divisionโs Fraud Section, although that health care fraud work does appear to have been based out of Texas.)
Womble and Ryan Raybould, the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Texas, were the only two lawyers on the DOJ petition to enforce the Rhode Island Hospital subpoena. They are both former OโConnor clerks.
The grand jury subpoena โ which does not require judicial approval โ was received by NYU Langone on May 7 (although dated May 6), and the date for compliance is June 10.
There is also evidence that other grand jury subpoenas were issued. In addition to NYU Langone stating that it was โone of several institutions that received a grand jury subpoena,โ Law Dork previously reported that DOJโs decision to withdraw its appeal of one of its administrative subpoena losses โ as to Childrenโs Hospital of Philadelphia (CHOP) โ came the same date that the NYU Langone grand jury subpoena was issued.
In a filing later on May 6 before the district court that had heard and granted the Philadelphia hospitalโs initial request, the lawyers for CHOP were direct:
Just this morning, DOJ attorneys reached out to counsel for CHOP indicating that DOJ intended to dismiss its appeal, which has been proceeding in the Third Circuit since January and in which DOJโs brief was due today. That development, along with DOJโs unexplained effort to compel compliance by a Rhode Island hospital in the Northern District of Texas, suggest that DOJ may seek to end-run this Courtโs jurisdiction over additional issues that arise involving the Subpoena.
Unlike the administrative subpoenas, which were challenged in the locations where the hospitals were located, challenges to the grand jury subpoena(s) would generally be in the Northern District of Texas โ although lawyers will be looking for other paths.
It also should be noted that it is not yet clear what, if any, action beyond the issuance of the grand jury subpoenas has actually happened in the Northern District of Texas.
The grand jury subpoenas arenโt the only new development.
On May 15, DOJ announced it had reached a โresolutionโ with Texas Childrenโs Hospital in conjunction with a long-running investigation against the hospital by the Texas Attorney Generalโs Office.
Although DOJ presented the development as โthe first resolution secured under the Departmentโs ongoing national investigation into violations of federal law in connection withโ provision of gender-affirming medical care for transgender minors, Texas Attorney General Paxton only mentioned DOJ in one sentence and instead stated, โAfter a years-long investigation by the Healthcare Program Enforcement Division, Attorney General Paxton has negotiated a historic settlement that will help protect Texans.โ DOJ does cite agreements reached by the hospital with both federal and Texas governments.
In addition to ending the provision of such care, Paxtonโs news release stated that Texas Childrenโs Hospital has agreed to โthe creation of the countryโs first-ever Detransition Clinicโ and โpay $10 million for billing Texas Medicaid for unallowable and illegal โgender-transitionโ interventions, including by using false diagnosis codes.โ
In the DOJ news release, which only quotes Main Justice senior officials from D.C., it noted, โThese matters and the investigations into sex-rejecting procedures (sic) on minors are being led by the Justice Departmentโs Civil Division Enforcement and Affirmative Litigation Branch and Commercial Litigation Branch, Fraud Section.โ
There was no mention of the U.S. Attorneyโs Office for the Northern District of Texas โ or any district in Texas, for that matter โ but the fact that the news releases are about a Texas hospital, DOJโs release referenced what appears to be the same investigation at issue in both the administrative and grand jury subpoenas, and Texasโs release referenced one of the topics raised by DOJ in defending its subpoenas as allegedly supporting its investigation (improper billing codes) should not be glossed over.
For its part, Texas Childrenโs Hospital, in a statement to Law Dork, sounded a significantly different note than DOJ and Paxtonโs office:
Over the last three years, we have cooperated fully with the Texas Attorney General and Department of Justice, navigating an unconscionable campaign of mistruths and mischaracterizations related to gender affirming care. We produced over 5 million documents and conducted multiple internal and external investigations. These efforts have required significant staff time and financial resources to defend ourselves. All reviews and investigations continue to support the facts โ we have been compliant with all laws.
Today, we made the difficult decision to settle with the Texas Attorney General and the Department of Justice, closing a chapter that has been wrought with falsehoods and distractions. To be clear โ we are settling to protect our resources from endless and costly litigation. This settlement will allow us to redirect those precious resources to focus on the life-saving care and groundbreaking discoveries of our exceptional clinicians and scientists.
Nonetheless, if DOJ proceeds with a grand jury investigation in the Northern District of Texas, these settlements could quickly become very relevant to DOJโs claims.
All of which brings us back to Rhode Island Hospital.
After OโConnor issued his initial order three weeks ago Thursday, the Rhode Island Child Advocate โ responsible for oversight of children under the care of Rhode Islandโs youth services โ sought to quash the subpoena in Rhode Island.
U.S. District Judge Mary McElroy, a Trump appointee who had initially been nominated during the Obama administration, was assigned the matter. She denied DOJโs initial request to move the matter to OโConnor and set a quick timeline for consideration of the request.
The hospital, meanwhile, sought to stay OโConnorโs order โ first before OโConnor and then at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. (Both were denied.) The hospital also joined the Rhode Island Child Advocateโs request, intervening and filing its own motion to quash the subpoena.
On May 12, McElroy held an explosive hearing โ accusing DOJ of having misled the hospital; the court in Texas; as well as, potentially, the court in Rhode Island.
Highlighting the incredibly invasive plans potentially involved in DOJโs effort, McElroy told the relatively new DOJ lawyer before her, Brantley Mayers, counsel to the Assistant Attorney General, โ[I]t is ridiculous to say that youโre going to find 14- and 15-year-olds who are undergoing gender reassignment or gender treatment and question them about what was told to them by their doctor. How invasive is that?โ
An amicus brief submitted by Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund addressed the improper ways DOJ is employing the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act and other โhealthcare offensesโ to attempt to justify this investigation, but every judge has, again, found the effort to be an โimproper purposeโ under the laws at issue โ or, at the least, the patient-specific documents requested not to have been appropriately sought.
Regarding the timing of the filing in Texas to enforce the Rhode Island Hospital administrative subpoena in conjunction with the emails earlier that week, McElroy told Mayers:
I take a very negative view to playing fast and loose by telling people one thing and filing other things with the court, and then taking the position like, oh, well, we didnโt tell you, but we did tell you afterwards. That is dirty pool, in my opinion, and the Department of Justice have willfully done that in this case.
Mayers had joined DOJ in November 2025 after three clerkships and with virtually no prior practice experience, a fact highlighted by McElroy, who repeatedly suggested that she believed the new lawyer was set up to defend the actions without having hardly any actual knowledge of the underlying investigation.
Sitting at his side, however, was Deputy Assistant Attorney General Jordan Campbell, a more senior Texas lawyer who joined DOJ in June 2025 after having co-founded a law firm that states it is โproudly seeking justice for the detransitioner community nationwide.โ
Specifically as to the grand jury subpoena, which was discussed because NYU Langoneโs statement had come out the day before, McElroy warned:
[T]he problem Iโm having here is that itโs pretty clear to me that this was shopped to Texas, thatโs fine, you have the right to investigate wherever you want, but these indictments that come out of Texas, if they ever come, because every person has signed an affidavit in this court and is going to be before me to explain it if they donโt.
Mayers insisted there were reasons for the investigation being in the Northern District of Texas โ and acknowledged part of the content of a secret declaration that was filed ex parte (meaning just with the judge) in DOJโs opposition to Rhode Island Hospitalโs request that OโConnor stay his order enforcing the subpoena.
This secret declaration from Lisa Hsiao, the acting director of the Enforcement & Affirmative Litigation Branch โ who has filed declarations in most if not all of DOJโs efforts defending the administrative subpoenas and which have drawn questions previously โ was later provided to McElroy as well. Of that, Mayers acknowledged:
[H]ere were many reasons why the investigation is being carried on in the Northern District of Texas. As the affidavit that you received yesterday ex parte indicates, there are potential targets, potential witnesses there.
The reference to โpotential targetsโ of the investigation being in the Northern District of Texas appears to be a significant piece of information as that proceeds.
In any event, the next evening, on May 13, McElroy issued her ruling, quashing the administrative subpoena in full and blocking DOJ from receiving the requested documents. She also repeatedly questioned DOJโs actions in the opinion, writing at one point that โthe discrepancy between the honorable conduct expected of federal prosecutors and DOJโs tactics in this case is unsettling.โ
DOJ, however, did not let it go โ appealing the order the next day and informing OโConnor of the ruling. OโConnor, on May 15, ordered an in-person hearing in Texas on May 18.
Following that hearing came the May 18 order from OโConnor, concluding that โRIH has also sought to circumvent the authority of this Court and the Fifth Circuit and attempted to collaterally attack the Enforcement Orderโ and ordering the hospital to turn over to the court โall materials that it would have turned over to the Government in compliance with this Courtโs Enforcement Orderโ on the condition that the materials would be โsecured and held in camera, inaccessible to the Government for the pendency of the appeals.โ
Additionally, OโConnor โ responding to his conclusion about the alleged circumvention โ purported to bar Rhode Island Hospital from seeking relief from his order in any court aside from his court, the Fifth Circuit, or the U.S. Supreme Court and from โcooperat[ing] with others in seeking reliefโ from his order.
That led to one last effort to hold things off, with the Rhode Island Child Advocate filing a motion in the First Circuit โ where DOJ had appealed McElroyโs order โ on May 19 seeking an injunction ordering Rhode Island Hospital โnot to produce patient-identifying information or protected health informationโ in response to the administrative subpoena โto any person or entity pending resolution of this appeal or until further order of this Court.โ
DOJ opposed the request, and later highlighted the fact that, in Rhode Island Hospitalโs notice about its production, โRIH represents that, โ[t]o the extent that records RIH intends to produce contain any patient information, RIH will anonymize and de-identify this information.โโ DOJ stated that โRIHโs stated plan to anonymize any documents filed in the Northern District of Texas today further undercuts the Child Advocateโs claim of imminent irreparable harm.โ
In a short order issued a few hours later, the First Circuit essentially agreed, denying Rhode Island Child Advocateโs request because, the court stated, โWe detect no such irreparable injury.โ

The panel consisted of Judges Gustavo Gelpรญ and Lara Montecalvo, both Biden appointees, and Judge Joshua Dunlap, a Trump appointee who took the bench in 2025.
Notably, Dunlap issued a concurring opinion, highlighting โadditional concerns regarding the request for an injunction pending appealโ โ including, he wrote, โserious questions about the merits of the district court’s decision.โ This is contrary to the seven other federal judges to have ruled on the question and was an aside, but it is nonetheless notable coming from the one Republican appointee on the First Circuit.
The bigger problem, however, with the First Circuitโs ruling is what was missing.
The paragraph highlighted above seems to run counter to and with an almost blind ignorance to all that McElroy got on the record in her May 12 hearing.
This is a situation where DOJ has questionably, and without providing public evidence, claimed that it has moved an investigation to the Northern District of Texas, justifying invoking the courtโs jurisdiction there to enforce an administrative subpoena issued many months before the investigation had a connection to the district and against an entity across the nation that had been in discussion with DOJ the day before the enforcement action was filed. Then, a far-right judge there granted the request sought by his former clerks and now has ordered the hospital to provide him with the information that every other judge has decided medical providers should not need to provide.
No awareness of that reality comes through in the First Circuitโs order. Although the caveats in the order do mean that renewed requests could follow and it certainly means nothing as to the hospital or Rhode Island Child Advocateโs chances on appeal in quashing the subpoena (Dunlapโs concurrence aside), the First Circuitโs presumption of regularity is particularly ill-suited here.
As McElroy wrote specifically in her order, quoting an Oregon colleague:
The Court cannot help but share the sentiment that โ[t]he presumption of regularity that has previously been extended to [DOJ] that it could be taken at its wordโwith little doubt about its intentions and stated purposesโno longer holds.โ United States v. Oregon, No. 6:25-CV-01666-MTK, 2026 WL 318402, at *11 (D. Or. Feb. 5, 2026). It is regrettable that this is now the case.
As DOJ continues with these escalations of its attacks on trans people โ and the provision of medical care specifically โ courts need to keep their eyes opened to the reality as McElroy saw and detailed it, not to the image of courts as they would wish things to be.
Law Dork covers LGBTQ legal developments in depth. Consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.
I really enjoy this creator and how he has done this entire series on the Christian god and the inconsistancies of the bible and the figures in it.ย In this series the god is a self centered older teenager who only thinks of themselves and their needs/ wants.ย The full series starts out with a future highly technological civilization having graduates from school take a psychological test as them an omnipotent being and their assistant is actually their teacher in real life.ย But in this case “god” is so narcissistic it causes problems in the simulator they are all connected with.ย But the series does show how narcissistic and only thinking of their feelings, wants, and needs this Christian god is.ย Sadly the creator has moved on from making the series and the spin-offs from them as his main YouTube product but he still produces these videos which I am grateful for.ย But try to remember that God is a student and Jefferies is in reality his teacher still trying to teach him how to be a good person.ย Reverse the roles of the characters and you get the joke.ย Hugs.ย ย
By Peter Karleby
One good thing about trolling comedians, they always know exactly how to respond.
New York City Pride recently announced the Grand Marshals for its annual Pride parade, scheduled for June 28.
It’s quite a roster, featuringย transย actress Dominique Jackson, drag star Peppermint, trans journalist and radio personality Bernie Wagenblast, activist group Gays Against Guns andย SNLย alum Bowen Yang.
Of courseย someoneย was gonna have an opinion on this lineup, and one of them tried to come for Yang in the comments of the announcement on Instagram.
And Yang, ever the seasoned comedian, had the perfect response. The troll demanded to know “why bowen,” and Yang didn’t miss a beat, quipping:
“showed hole to the board.”
(snip-embedded social post)
Perfect.
It’s a strange question in the first place: Yang made history when he joined the SNL cast in 2019.
In a statement, NYC Pride wrote:
“Bowen Yang became a household name as the first Chinese-American cast member on Saturday Night Live in 2019.”
“With that platform, he helped usher in an era of authentic queer humor in mainstream media, earning an Emmyยฎ for writing and becoming the most-nominated Asian male performer in Emmyยฎ history in the process.”
The better question is “why not Bowen?”
(๐คฃ ๐คฃ ๐คฃ snip-MORE ; lots of embedded social media posts; enjoy!)
I love Ethel and her way of presenting facts and reality.ย She points out that studies in high schools indicate that the rates of trans children are 3.+ and those questioning are 2.+.ย Plus she points out the reason more trans people are out is the same reason more gay kids came out in the 2000s, it was the left handed issue again.ย When being left handed became OK to admit more people admitted and openly lived as left handed. Despite everything, trans kids feel safer coming out in the US than ever before.ย ย Hugs.
Some news about No Labels from my state; what’s happening with parties in your state? And great news regarding suicide prevention efforts aimed at LGBTQ+. I bet my state isn’t the only one!
By: Tim Carpenter
TOPEKA โ Demise of the No Labels Kansas political party was inevitable after it neglected to fulfill the organizationโs central objective when formed in January 2024 to nominate candidates for U.S. president and vice president.
The failure of No Labels Kansas to field candidates for any type of statewide office or to win at least 1% of the total votes cast for that office in a general election meant the organization would eventually lose its standing in Kansas among the stateโs five political parties. Instead of leaving Kansans to speculate when that might occur in 2026, No Labels Kansas secretary and treasurer Shane Mathis requested May 15 the termination of state recognition of the political party.
โBecause No Labels Kansas declined to nominate candidates for those offices in 2024 and has no intention of doing so in the future, its central organizational purpose no longer exists,โ Mathis said.
Secretary of State Scott Schwab complied Monday with the request and notified county election clerks and commissioners of state law requiring voter registration records be amended so 5,955 people registered with No Labels Kansas would be reclassified as unaffiliated.
In Kansas, the Republican Party dominates with 897,000 registered voters compared with the 575,000 unaffiliated and 495,000 Democratic Party registrants.
While founders of No Labels Kansas didnโt make a dent in Kansas elections, the existence of its organizational shell led a pair of longtime Republican operatives to attempt a hijacking of No Labels Kansas so it might be transformed into an organization with a broader mission that included nomination of candidates for state offices. (snip-MORE)
Kansas organization launches free suicide prevention training focused on LGBTQ+ community
TOPEKA โ A Wichita organization created an online training program for suicide prevention and mental health education to improve the care that LGBTQ+ Kansans receive when reaching out to crisis resources, including the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.
The organization, Center of Daring, focuses on inclusivity and leadership training. Its 10-part training program takes nine hours to complete and is available for free on the centerโs website, according to an April 28 press release announcing the program.
โWe believe this training series will fill a deep need here at a time when many LGBTQ+ Kansans donโt feel safe in our state,โ said Liz Hamor, the Center of Daring founder, in the release.
Through learning activities, videos and surveys, the training covers trauma-informed intervention, intersectionality and promoting equity within a crisis response organization. The training was designed with input from LGBTQ+ residents and Kansas crisis care providers, according to the press release.
The 988 helpline is a mental health crisis resource available 24/7. It went nationwide in 2022. Kansasโ line received more than 34,000 calls, 12,000 texts and 9,000 chats in 2025, according to a state-mandated annual report.
The 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline is a free, confidential hotline available 24/7 for individuals in crisis or those looking to help someone else. To speak with a certified listener, call or text 988 or visitย 988lifeline.org.
Barney Frank, a liberal congressman and trailblazer for gay rights, dies. He was 86.
Byย ย STEVEN SLOAN
WASHINGTON (AP) โ Barney Frank, the longtime Democratic congressman and leading liberal who brought new visibility to gay rights and crafted the most significant reforms to the financial system in a generation, has died. He was 86.
Frank died late Tuesday, according to Jim Segel, Frankโs former campaign manager and close friend.
After representing broad swaths of Bostonโs suburbs in Congress for 32 years, Frank and his husband moved to Ogunquit, Maine. He entered hospice there in April with congestive heart failure and is survived by his husband, Jim Ready, and sisters, the longtime Democratic strategist Ann Lewis and Doris Breay, along with brother David Frank.
A self-described โleft-handed gay Jew,โ Frank was known for his acerbic wit, combative style and focus on marginalized communities. He represented the partyโs left wing while keeping close with Democratic leaders who sometimes frustrated progressives.
He is best known as a pioneer for LGBT rights. After decades of grappling with his sexuality, he publicly came out as gay in 1987, the first member of Congress to do so voluntarily. With his 2012 marriage to Ready, he became the first incumbent lawmaker on Capitol Hill to marry someone of the same sex.
Do you remember last month when everyone was so excited about Moon Joy as we watched Artemis II? I have a confession to make.
I did not watch it.
Perhaps a combination of my anxiety plus a little leftover trauma of watching in Challenger live in Elementary school? Regardless, I couldnโt enjoy it until I knew that they were safely back home, but then I did a deep dive and that is why I am forever experiencing pop-culture moments behind the rest of the world. Itโs also why this week I decided to draw something that might have been more timely before, but I suspect you will forgive me.
It reminded me of how amazing space isโฆof exploration and joyโฆand of the idea that we are each an actual part of the magic of that universe, even when we feel that we are so tiny and unremarkable.

So this is just a reminder to you that you are truly made of stardust. Nearly all of the elements in your body where made in a star, and many have come through several supernovas. The actual iron in your body is from a star going supernova. So if today you are feeling small, remember that you are magic in astounding ways.
PS. I know I normally just talk art here but I thought maybe youโd want to see this. Yesterday I started fostering a feral rescue kitten to try to fill the kitty-sized hole in my heart right now and Iโm pretty sure this tiny, nameless orange gentleman will not be leaving us because omg, yโall.

And why judges should never be elected, but should be nominated by those who practice law, then confirmed by elected legislators and governors. All should be public so we the people know what and when it’s happening. When judges have to run for the bench, politics overtakes and minimizes law, tainting decisions.

Judge Carl Folsom III // Linkedin
This weekend, a Kansas judge issued a scathing 117-page rebuke of the state’s ban on gender-affirming care for transgender youthโand in doing so, methodically dismantled the case against that care. In his ruling, Judge Carl Folsom III worked through the testimony of the state’s witnesses one by one, finding that its anti-transgender โexpertsโโroutinely paraded by groups like the Alliance Defending Freedom, SEGM, and Genspectโoffered opinions built on “cherry-picked information, conjecture, and research taken out of context,” and granting their testimony little to no weight. He then laid out 349 individual findings of fact, drawn from scientific evidence and the testimony of credible medical experts, documenting the safety and efficacy of gender-affirming care. He ultimately found that the ban likely violates the Kansas Constitutionโwhich guarantees broader protections than its federal counterpart. That distinction matters enormously: because the ruling rests on state constitutional grounds, it is largely insulated from the U.S. Supreme Court and its decision in Skrmetti, which closed the federal courthouse door to these challenges but left the state one wide open.
“Allowing a transgender adolescent with gender dysphoria to experience their endogenous puberty when puberty blockers are medically indicated according to the Endocrine Society Clinical Practice Guideline is highly likely to result in irreversible physical changes that create enormous short- and long-term distress and gender dysphoria,” Folsom wrote. “Thus, there was substantial evidence that S.B. 63 not only fails to protect minors, but also endangers them, by prohibiting the use of GnRH agonists when medically indicated.”
Before weighing the evidence, the judge first had to determine who could credibly be considered an expert. Republican Attorney General Kris Kobach brought forward a litany of anti-trans witnesses familiar from litigation defending these bans. Among them was James Cantor, a Toronto psychologist who has built a career testifying for states defending care bans despite no clinical experience treating transgender minorsโand who was once quietly dropped from a Florida Board of Medicine hearing after it emerged he had served on the advisory council of the Prostasia Foundation, a group that has worked to destigmatize pedophilia. Folsom wrote that Cantor “has not conducted any original scientific research on the efficacy or safety of gender dysphoria treatments,” and noted he is not licensed to treat anyone under 16 and has never diagnosed a minor with gender dysphoria. The judge then catalogued a record of self-contradiction: Cantor “stated that ‘peer-review is the line between acceptable and not’ but himself relied on non-peer reviewed sources,” cited systematic reviews while ignoring that “the authors of those reviews stated that their work should not be used to prevent the provision of gender-affirming medical care,” and “makes several statements which have no scientific support,” including that gender dysphoria might be a misdiagnosis of borderline personality disorder. “The Court gives Dr. Cantor’s testimony little weight,” Folsom concluded.
The judge turned next to Farr Curlin, a Duke University doctor and theologian who was an author of the Trump administration’s HHS report on pediatric gender dysphoriaโa document authored anonymously by a roster of hate-group affiliates and career anti-trans activists, and which deadnames Christine Jorgensen, one of the first Americans to get gender affirming surgery. Curlin, Folsom noted, “is not a pediatrician, nor is he a psychiatrist or endocrinologist,” and “has never treated anyone for gender dysphoria.” Curlin testified that gender-affirming care is “ethically problematic”โbut under questioning, the breadth of what Curlin considers unethical became clear. He believes that prescribing birth control for contraception is also “ethically problematic,” because “blocking the capacity for reproduction seems contrary to the purposes of health.” He believes in vitro fertilization is “ethically problematic” as well. He testified that when gender-affirming care reduces fertility, it “prevents the realization of the basic good of marriage, since sexual capacities make possible the one flesh union of marriage.” By his own admission, Folsom noted, Curlin’s views are “radically counter to current medical orthodoxy.” The judge found his opinions “appear motivated by his personal views as opposed to a methodology applicable in the field of medical ethics,” and gave his testimony “little-to-no weight.”
The judge also had pointed words for the state’s roster of prominent anti-trans activists. Chloe Cole, the countryโs most prominent anti-trans detransitioner, testified about receiving care as a minor in Californiaโbut Folsom noted that Cole “admittedly did not receive care in Kansas,” and that the plaintiffs’ expert Dr. Angela Turpin testified the care Cole described “would not have occurred in Kansas” and would have been inconsistent with the clinical guidelines Kansas providers actually follow. Her testimony was given “less weight.” Corinna Cohn, another anti-trans detransitioner who has testified for care bans across the country and who has publicly denied that transgender people existed before 1939 or were victims of the Holocaust, did not appear at the hearing at all. The judge noted that Cohn’s affidavit described “care accessed as an adult” and treatment “in Wisconsin”โnothing to do with minors, or with Kansasโand gave it “little weight.” And then there was Jamie Reed, the self-styled “whistleblower” who built a national profile on lurid, largely unsubstantiated accusations against a St. Louis gender clinic and who has gone on Fox News to describe being transgender as a delusion. Reed also did not testify and could not be cross-examined. Folsom gave her affidavit “little weight,โ and had scathing remarks towards her lack of expertise:
โThe Court gives thus Jamie Reedโs affidavit little weight, given that she is not a medical provider or mental-health professional. In addition, her affidavit primarily addresses her experiences with a clinic operating outside of Kansasโthus, it does not rebut or refute the credible, uncontroverted testimony about clinical practice within the state of Kansas,โ read the order.

Folsom then turned to set the record straight on the care banned by Kansas. Working through the testimony of the credible medical experts, he set out 349 separate numbered findings of fact, each documenting some component of what the science actually shows about gender-affirming care. Among them: that “the currently available body of medical research, as a whole, shows that gender-affirming medical care is effective at improving mental-health outcomes for adolescents with gender dysphoria,” supported by “over 20 scientific studies” finding the treatments “effective at alleviating gender dysphoria and improving a variety of mental-health outcomes, including anxiety, depression, and suicidality.” Folsom found that “for many adolescents, gender-affirming medical care provides significant relief from gender dysphoria and decreases depression, anxiety, suicidality, and thoughts of self-harm.” On the question of regret, the talking point most relied upon by the law’s defenders, the court found, based on the Kansas clinic’s own long-term follow-up data, that 99.2% of patients who received gender-affirming care “continue to identify as transgender into adulthood,” and that of the remaining 0.8%, “most did not regret the medical treatment they received.”
Folsom reserved some of his sharpest fact-finding for the Cass Review and claims over European care. The state’s experts pointed to systematic reviews from the United Kingdom, Sweden, Finland, Germany, and Norway as โproofโ the science had turned. Folsom found otherwise. “None of these systematic reviews recommend categorically banning gender-affirming medical care for adolescents,” he wrote, and “the United Kingdom, Sweden, Finland, Germany, and Norway have not categorically prohibited gender-affirming medical care for minors”โas Kansas had. On the Cass Review specifically, Folsom found that its authors “changed their methodology from the methodology they said they would use in their preregistration, which is a deviation from standard academic publishing practices designed to minimize bias,” and “used idiosyncratic standards in scoring and thus excluded studies that had made important contributions to the field.” Far from recommending a ban, the court found, the Cass Report “reaches conclusions that are similar to those in the Endocrine Society Guideline and WPATH Standards of Care” and “concludes that there are young people who absolutely benefit from gender-affirming care.” On Germany, the state had the facts backwards: Folsom found that “Germany’s recent guideline endorses the provision of gender-affirming medical care”โa reference to the 2025 guidelines fromย 26 medical organizations across Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, the largest European medical consensus on transgender youth care ever produced.

The judge’s ruling rested on the Kansas constitution. Folsom found the plaintiffs likely to succeed on the claim that SB 63 violates the fundamental right of parents, guaranteed by Section 1 of the Kansas Constitution Bill of Rights, to make medical decisions for their children. Section 1, he wrote, quoting the Kansas Supreme Court, “protects the core right of personal autonomyโwhich includes the ability to control one’s own body, to assert bodily integrity, and to exercise self-determination” and “allows Kansans to make their own decisions regarding their bodies, their health, their family formation, and their family life.” Because SB 63 strips parents of that right, Folsom applied strict scrutiny, the most demanding standard in constitutional law, and found the state had failed to meet it. That reasoning was used recently before in Kansas politics for another issue. The same Section is what protects abortion rights in the state. In previous abortion-related decisions, the Kansas Supreme Court held that Section 1 secures “an inalienable natural right of personal autonomy”โlanguage the court used to strike down abortion restrictions, and that Kansas voters chose to keep in 2022 when they rejected a constitutional amendment that would have stripped it away.
For now, gender-affirming care is legal again in Kansas. The injunction is temporary, blocking SB 63 while the case is litigated, and Attorney General Kris Kobach has said he will appeal, calling the ruling “a stark example of judicial activism.” But the appeal faces a structural problem. Because the decision rests entirely on the Kansas Constitution, the U.S. Supreme Court and its ruling in Skrmetti have no power to disturb itโa state’s highest court is the final word on its own constitution. And the Kansas Supreme Court, where the case is ultimately likely to land, has five of seven justices appointed by Democratic governors and has repeatedly upheld the same Section 1 personal-autonomy right that Folsom relied on here.