In March, the trio took third place at the 2026 Athletic Brewing Ironman 70.3 Oceanside competition, beating over 200 other teams.
Read Hiltzโs letter to the team below:
Schuyler, Chella, and Cal,
Congratulations on your podium finish at one of the toughest endurance events in the world! An Ironman podium is no joke. Beyond the months of training, sacrifice, and trust in your fellow teammates, a performance like that requires so much heart and grit. And itโs no surprise to me that you three embody those qualities so well.
Team Iron Transmasc represents so much to so many. Sometimes in sports, believing you can do something is supported by seeing someone else do it first. And when that someone looks like you, shares the same identity, pronouns, hairstyle, or top surgery scars, it can ignite a hope and fire to believe in yourself, and chase your dreams like never before.
As a nonbinary and endurance athlete myself, it was very special to see three out and proud transmasculine athletes execute a fantastic team effort and earn a podium performance together.
Thank you for your visibility and representation, and for inspiring me and so many others to believe that thereโs a place for transmasculine people on podiums in endurance sports and beyond. โ Nikki Hiltz
Congratulations are in order for Team Iron Transmasc, who won third place at the 2026 Athletic Brewing Ironman 70.3 Oceanside competition.
On Saturday, March 28, Team Iron Transmasc nabbed the third place spot in an ironman competition, a team sport that includes swimming, bike riding, and running. The team included champion trans swimmerย Schuyler Bailar, deaf nonbinary cyclistย Chella Man, and trans nonbinary marathonerย Cal Calamia.
In an Instagram post celebrating their win, the trio wrote that they wanted to compete โwithout losing our love of the sport and synchronizing as friends.โ
They continued, โIn a world that is increasingly hostile toward trans people with an undue emphasis on athletics, we came together to showcase trans excellence, trans collaboration, and trans joy.โ
The trio said they competed โfor every person disenfranchised by transphobia, white supremacy, ableism, colonialism. For Palestinians, Iranians, Sudanese, Congolese. For every humanโs right to exist exactly as we are, everywhere we are.โ
The trio bested over 200 other teams to win their third place victory, per Out.
As part of the caption, the champions also pointed out that their victory took place just a few days after the IOC banned trans women from competition in female events.
โSports are a human right of which so many people are deprived,โ they wrote.
Bailar spoke further about trans participation in sports in an interview with Out given prior to the trioโs victory.
โOne of the reasons that the recent IOC decision is so devastating is because it sends a message that sports are going to lead through discrimination, as opposed to being on a progressive way of moving humanity forwards, which is what they should be doing,โ Bailar said.
Calamia told Out that the trio โkind of crushed it.โ The running portion of the race was the third leg of the competition. Calamia said that, in their final moments, they passed a runner to nab a podium spot.
โThere was a runner that was also competing in the relay that I passed at the very, very end of the whole thing, within the last 10 meters,โ they said. โI had to close the deal. There was no part of me that would quit. And we got that spot on the men’s podium! It was amazing!โ
Each competitor included a visual signifier of their trans identity on their uniform, Calamia mentioned. They had a trans flag on their running shorts, Schuyler had trans-colored goggles and Chella had a sign that said โbodies are not bans.โ
Calamia said the trio have their eyes on future competitions, as well. โWeโre already talking about what weโre going to do next,โ they said. โWe want to scale this up and get more trans athletes doing relays like this. Weโre just excited to keep inspiring people and providing a counterweight to the other conversations about trans athletes.โ
Yesterday I had a relapse after nearly a week of feeling very energetic compared to lately.ย Last night I went to bed early.ย I had started an email to MDavis who sent me a beautiful, encouraging email and it has been three weeks but I was just feeling up to replying to them.ย But today I had my yearly eye appointment with the same eye doctor who referred me to the eye surgery center for needed cataract surgery.ย If anyone needs reminding that was a year ago when I was on the gurney with IVs in and eyes medicated but as they were about to take me into surgery the anesthesiologist stopped everyone to ask me questions.ย ย She went over my medical list with me and then sadly said I take more heavy pain medications daily than she could give me during the operation.ย Thatย would mean that I would have to have eye surgery without any sedation.ย When I told her I was sensitive to anything near my eyes she told everyone to pause and she went to talk to the surgeon.ย They agreed that I would need to go to a much larger surgery center that could put me under enough anesthesia that would knock me totally out.ย ย
So today I saw the same eye doctor at a much bigger facility they had joined.ย Long story short after the exam the doctor told me the bad news.ย My current vision is far beyond what glasses could help with.ย She was emphatic in saying I must get my cataract surgery done as soon as possible.ย She went over everything with me and detailed why she couldn’t give me a prescription for glasses that would make it so I could see the computer, the phones, the Ipad, and see well enough to drive better.ย At this point my vision is so bad they couldn’t even make the letters smaller than the largest ones they wanted me to read clear.ย ย
She wanted to know why I had not followed up with their surgery center’s referral to the larger university run on in Naples as I was referred to.ย I explained to her the horrifically emotional and financially draining year we had had.ย She listened and when I explained Ron and I had decided his eyes needed to be done before mine as he has a torn lens and eye inflammation issues, she understood and agreed to take him on as a patient.ย But she kept pushing for me to get my eyes done in the next 6 months.ย She said she would send the referral, which was good for 6 months and it normally took that long to get set up with the facility and have the necessary visits.ย She added that if in the 6th months I was not financially ready to do it the surgery center in Naples would extend my time to have it done.ย But she again pushed that I did not have a lot of time to wait with my diminished vision.ย She asked how I did my daily stuff and I explained to her I have my large desktop monitors set to 250 and that my browser is set to 110% which I take up to 130 some days.ย I also showed her my two over the counter readers I have which one is 150 and the other is 175, which I use for my phone, tablet, and the computer monitors.ย ย
I explained all this to Ron as we drove home.ย He agreed to get an appointment with her to start his eye surgery but the closest appointment he could get was in August.ย At which point he got upset with me and said we would have to move forward with my eye surgery even before his.ย ย He went on at length about how he had noticed how I was struggling on the computers and with things I was trying to do.ย He mentioned the lighted magnifying glasses I keep around to help me read stuff.ย He mentioned how now I was having to have him read everything that came in mail and instructions to me.ย He reminded me that when he asked me to help him set up his sister’s new electronic entry system on the house she just bought I had to have him do the actions as I explained it to him as I couldn’t see the key pad clearly enough even with a bright light on them.ย Then he dropped the mother of all bomb shells on me which made me give in.ย ย He wondered with my vision so bad how I well I was seeing to drive.ย He was getting more and more upset.ย As I don’t think he is a good driver and I think I am a far better driver I gave in.ย ย So …
I said I would make supper.ย I got my very tall adjustable stool out and offered to make fried eggs, fried potatoes, fried bacon, and fresh ham steak I cooked in a large frying pan of water.ย All with a side of two slices of toast.ย Ron loved the idea which stopped him from harassing me about my eyes.ย I do love to cook and it was emotionally satisfying for me.ย I was unable to eat much of mine but I did eat the potatoes along with all the ham I took, a strip of bacon and half a piece of toast.ย But Ron ate most of what I couldn’t which is why he blames me for his current weight.ย Picture below.ย ย Hugs
Mo Turner doesnโt often think about their time in the Oklahoma House of Representatives.
In that building, they were Mauree โ the first out nonbinary state legislator in United States history; the first Muslim elected in Oklahoma; a Black, queer, gender non-conforming lawmaker in one of the most conservative states in the country. Elected at 27 to represent House District 88, which includes much of Oklahoma City, they stepped into a political institution that had never belonged to someone like them before.
The job almost broke them. Turner left office in November 2024, four years into their tenure, after the work took a toll on their health. They are still recovering.
โI spent January 2026 walking. And weeping. And reading,โ Turner said. After the legislature took over their life, they had to find a way back to who they were before a national spotlight brought constant harassment, abuse and stress. Theyโve found solace in a particular song near the end of the Hamilton musical, when the eponymous founding father takes long, quiet walks after losing his son and stepping away from politics.
Turnerโs own walks can go on for three hours.
If thereโs one lesson Turner took from their time at the statehouse, itโs that politics wonโt help communities. People will.
Turner left the House of Representatives in November 2024, four years into their tenure, after the work took a toll on their health. They are still recovering. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
โI want people to understand that policy is not coming to save you,โ they said. โWe get justice, we get faith, we get warm meals, we get community right here when we start talking to folks.โ
Although the United States is a representative democracy, our political system still rejects anyone who strays too far from the norm. Turnerโs story shows how far from equal the nationโs politics still are โ and how being an out LGBTQ+ elected official today is just as revolutionary as it was five decades ago.
The violence holding democracy back
Elaine Noble was the first openly LGBTQ+ person ever elected to a state legislature, serving two terms in the Massachusetts House of Representatives in the 1970s. She described the campaign as ugly: her car was destroyed, her windows were shot through, her headquarters were vandalized. The harassment she received from colleagues in the statehouse was ugly, too. She routinely heard obscene profanities. Once, someone left human feces on her desk. Another time, a man stopped her as she walked to work and spat on her.
These are not just scenes from a distant past. Political violence against LGBTQ+ candidates is rising, according to a new report from the Victory Institute. Many LGBTQ+ candidates who ran for office between 2023 and 2025 experienced death threats on the trail. One candidate said their house was shot up by a neighbor. Another said that someone posted in a local newspaperโs online thread that a bullet should be put through their brain. Another candidate was shoved off a porch while door-knocking.
Some LGBTQ+ candidates receive death threats on social media at least once a week, according to the Victory Institute. A number of them respond to those threats by limiting voter engagement. Some avoid door-knocking and social media. Others decline public events entirely.
American politician and LGBT activist, Elaine Noble smiles after addressing the crowd at a Gay Rights rally on Boston Common, Boston, Massachusetts, 13th June 1977. Noble is openly gay and the Democratic Member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives from Back Bay, Boston. (Stan Grossfeld/The Boston Globe/Getty Images)
Rising violence against LGBTQ+ candidates doesnโt just scar candidates; it scars democracy, according to the authors of the report.
โThis is changing who feels able to run for office, how candidates are showing up in their campaigns, whether they can even remain in public life at all,โ said Pooja Prabhakaran, director of elected and appointed officials engagement at the LGBTQ+ Victory Institute. โThe broader piece of it is, who is able to serve and participate in democracy?โ
Death threats against Turner began as soon as they entered office. They received voicemails filled with racial slurs and obscene emails targeting their religion and LGBTQ+ identity. As a freshman lawmaker, they were surprised to learn that not everyone was treated that way. They thought death threats were commonplace.
Turner has dealt with harassment on a larger scale than many other LGBTQ+ candidates do, Prabhakaran said. For other trans people or LGBTQ+ people of color who consider running for office, there is a chilling effect: Do they want to be subjected to the same treatment?
Threats against Turner escalated after they were censured by the Oklahoma House of Representatives in 2023, during their second term. They were accused by the Republican leadership of โharboring a fugitiveโ โ a trans person who went to the statehouse with their partner to protest a bill that would ban gender-affirming care for minors.
At the protest, the couple got into a scuffle with a state trooper after one of them threw water at a state representative. One was arrested. The other sought out Turnerโs office.
Once Turner took office, there were eight Black legislators in the Oklahoma statehouse โ a record. Currently, there are six. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
โThis personโs spouse was just arrested. They came to my office to process. Thatโs what happened,โ Turner told The 19th at the time, in 2023. โI let folks get their affairs in order, because everyone was in agreeance that they were going to go ahead and turn themselves over.โ
Democrats said Turner cooperated with law enforcement during the search for the protester. Still, they were punished. Republicans asked Turner for a formal apology in exchange for keeping their committee assignments. They declined.
โI think an apology for loving the people of Oklahoma is something that I cannot do,โ they said at a press conference following the censure.
Many constituents already saw Turner as a trusted confidant. People would call to ask where they should move to escape anti-LGBTQ+ laws and how to crowdfund to help someone travel for an abortion. As politics restricted daily life, more and more people came to Turner for help.
Now, after earning that trust, they were silenced. They couldnโt shape legislation through committees or join caucus discussions to speak on behalf of voters in their district.
The threatening calls and emails got worse.
Some political violence is based on a candidateโs beliefs. Some of it is driven by a desire to intimidate them out of politics altogether because of their identity. Those who challenge the status quo often face the most backlash, said Kelly Dittmar, director of research at the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. And those conditions donโt just stop once someone gets into office, she said.
โI can have an elected position, but my power in that position is very much influenced by all of these other dynamics that are not formalized,โ Dittmar said. Thereโs a difference between politics as usual within a two-party system, where everyone jockeys for influence, and being seen as a threat for being different or a minority, she said.
Hostile territory
In 2023, Oklahoma lawmakers introduced 35 anti-LGBTQ+ bills, according to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) โ a lot more than most other states at the time. They passed laws enabling broad discrimination against trans people and restricting young students from learning about LGBTQ+ people. Inside the statehouse, Turner felt demoralized.
The next year, their Republican colleagues introduced 55 anti-LGBTQ+ bills. Oklahoma already had few legal protections for LGBTQ+ people, and things only got worse.
โI’m going into a job that doesn’t care about me in a state that it feels like doesn’t care about me,โ they said, reflecting on how they felt at the time.
Still, Turner was making an impact. As the first out transgender lawmaker in Oklahomaโs statehouse, they inspired young people. Students told Turner that they had never cared about politics until seeing them in office. High school and middle school students would approach them in the capitol to ask questions about their tenure for class reports.
They represented more than just House District 88. They represented younger generations of queer people in Oklahoma and beyond. Turner felt the weight of the responsibility. Thatโs what made it so hard for them to leave.
Turner found an ally in then-Rep. Monroe Nichols, a Democrat who now serves as the first Black mayor of Tulsa. Nichols was the only one who seemed to genuinely care that Turner was receiving death threats. He was the only one who made them feel human.
โI do think that there was solidarity in him being a Black man from Tulsa of all places, understanding what it looked like to feel discrimination or oppression,โ Turner said.
In March, Turner went back to the statehouse to help a friend, the executive director at Freedom Oklahoma, a state LGBTQ+ advocacy group, monitor anti-trans bills. But the building is still full of red tape. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
Once Turner took office, there were eight Black legislators in the Oklahoma statehouse โ a record. Currently, there are six. Most politicians in the building are White. The status quo of power in Oklahoma is very much White, cisgender, heterosexual and male, said Dittmar of Rutgers University. And those who break that mold are seen by others as a threat, she said.
Then thereโs this: In a state like Oklahoma, Democrats have very little leverage. On top of the low pay and high stress, thereโs a small chance of achieving any concrete policy wins. Republicans sponsor most state laws because 80 percent of the lawmakers are Republicans. Barely any bill passes without Republican support. Being in the minority party means taking on the steep personal costs of being in office in exchange for little payoff.
Toward the end of those four long years, Turner didnโt feel like a good legislator anymore. In their words, they were phoning it in. Although they did spark a committee hearing on repealing the stateโs HIV criminalization law, none of their bills advanced.
Turner would frequently sit in their car in the parking lot before work, trying to breathe through the rising panic and find the will to go inside. Walking into the statehouse each day was taking a deep toll on them.
The stress grew until they landed in the emergency room. At the beginning of their last legislative session, they were diagnosed with multiple sclerosis and underwent a procedure to have cancerous cells removed from their body. That health scare followed bouts of migraines, panic attacks and depression.
As their health cratered, they felt alone. After their visit to the emergency room, none of their colleagues checked to see how they were doing.
Turner knew something had to change. They were worried for their nephew, Anthony, whom they are raising on their own. While juggling their job and all the harassment that came with it, they were setting up daycare and school drop-offs โ everything that comes with being a single parent. Sometimes, Anthony would join them on the House floor if work ran late. But they had to leave by 7 p.m. to make it home at a reasonable time for dinner, bath and bedtime.
โI remember one day thinking, I would like to see him grow up,โ they said.
So they left. They walked away from politics.
โIt was a tough decision to make because I know that representation matters. And some days, me just showing up to work is the representation that people need,โ they said.
This is the passion that still fuels Turner: showing up for Oklahomans and showing up for young LGBTQ+ people who donโt feel heard by their elected representatives.
What real change looks like
In March, Turner went back to the statehouse to help a friend, the executive director at Freedom Oklahoma,a state LGBTQ+ advocacy group, monitor anti-trans bills. But the building is still full of red tape: Initially, they were barred from entering the gallery by statehouse security. The experience became a reminder of why they left.
To actually make change in their community, Turner knew they would have to work outside of politics.
Hereโs how: Theyโre working with the immigrant advocacy group Dream Action Oklahoma, making and distributing zines on how bystanders can intervene when Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents are out making arrests. They help serve community breakfast with the Foundation for Liberating Minds, a Black-led abolitionist group based in Oklahoma. And in their new job, they get to work with LGBTQ+ students from across the country.
Turner is the director of public policy and advocacy at GLISTEN, a national nonprofit that lobbies for LGBTQ+ students. Theyโre working to expand GLISTENโs National Student Council, a leadership program for high schoolers. Theyโre working on the curriculum for that program and thinking about how these students want to grow. Many of them want to become activists, or already are. These students represent a future that is rapidly changing, regardless of how many anti-LGBTQ+ laws are passed; more and more young people are identifying as queer and trans.
Turner is the director of public policy and advocacy at GLISTEN, a national nonprofit that lobbies for LGBTQ+ students. (Katrina Ward for The 19th)
Working with students is a bright spot for Turner. Their organization is asking LGBTQ+ students about their experiences, their school policies and what they think needs to be different. And amid so much anti-LGBTQ+ hostility in politics, kids are making it clear that theyโre ready to make change on their own terms.
โYouth arenโt just saying, โOh, god, policy is so bad, whatever.โ Theyโre saying, โNo, maybe I will run for office. Or โIโll work on my friendโs campaign.โ Theyโre being outspoken,โ Turner said. โOur power lies in the streets, outside of any state legislature, and it always will.โ
Turner doesnโt think they will ever go back to politics. But that doesnโt mean theyโve stopped paying attention. They still keep tabs on bills moving through Oklahomaโs legislature. Lately, they said, things have been going from bad to worse.
The legislature just passed a law to create criminal penalties for providing gender-affirming care to minors and adults. No public funds or property may be used to provide the care, which threatens state university hospitals. The state Medicaid program will also no longer cover gender-affirming care for any patients.
This bill is just another step in stripping health care from all Oklahomans, Turner said. They want people to respond to laws like this by doing more than signing a petition or calling their local reps. They can reach out directly to state agencies, donate to local healthcare fundraisers or just talk to their neighbors.
โWhen the government fails us, what do we have?โ they said. For Turner, the answer is clear: community.
In a way, Turner has returned to their home turf as an activist. Before elected office, Turner worked with local branches of the ACLU, the NAACP and the Council on American-Islamic Relations. They learned the ways of the statehouse and now they know how to push for change outside.
And they donโt plan on leaving the state or their community in House District 88. Their brother went to college in this district. They worked an internship here. They met friends at Picasso Cafe and The Red Cup and had first kisses at local bars. Oklahoma City feels like such a queer place to them, and they have fallen in love with it.
โThis is my home. I love it,โ they said. โIโm going to stay and fight.โ
A pair of hearings on Tuesday highlighted the extreme nature of DOJโs requests โ and the speed with which DOJ has moved to try and get the invasive patient data in recent weeks.
The Trump administrationโs actions aimed at making it more difficult for transgender minors to receive gender-affirming medical care regardless of state policies allowing or even protecting such care are facing strong pushback. And while the Justice Department has described a โnationwideโ investigation into the care, it was those challenging DOJ who prompted hearings on both coasts on Tuesday.
The Justice Departmentโs efforts to obtain information about patients who received gender-affirming medical care by way of administrative subpoenas and, more recently, grand jury subpoenas are extreme โ and lawyers say, unprecedented.
The pair of hearings Tuesday highlighted the extreme nature of DOJโs requests โ and the speed with which DOJ has moved to try and get the invasive patient data in recent weeks after nearly a year since the first requests went out in July 2025.
The administrative subpoenas have been blocked when challenged, leading a set of patients to seek a class-action order quashing the patient-specific requests in all of the administrative subpoenas.
At 10:00 a.m. ET Tuesday, U.S. District Judge Julie Rubin held a hearing related to that request at the Edward A. Garmatz U.S. District Courthouse in Baltimore.
Rubin, a Biden appointee, was one of the judges who had previously quashed the patient-specific requests, as to those who moved to quash the administrative subpoena issued to Childrenโs National Hospital (headquartered in D.C. but with locations in Maryland as well), finding that the โSubpoena lacks a legitimate purpose.โ
The bulk of Rubinโs questions to Rachel Berg from the National Center for LGBTQ Rights on Tuesday related to whether Rubin could certify a class in a motion to quash an administrative subpoena and, if not, how far relief could go.
Ultimately, Berg acknowledged that, if Rubin did not certify a class, relief could only reach those with a connection to Maryland. In their filing, they had noted that โ[a]t least two Movants currently reside in Maryland and four families received services from Childrenโs National Hospital in Maryland.โ
That would, however, not accomplish what the litigation is seeking to do โ stop DOJ from getting any of the patient-specific information in response to any of the administrative subpoenas. As such, if Rubin denies this request, there likely would be a further effort to accomplish that goal.
At the same time, Rubin pushed DOJโs Scott Dahlquist on the opposite side nearly as strongly as sheโd pushed Berg. When he insisted that the patients were seeking โsweeping, nationwideโ relief, Rubin asked how thatโs different from any class-action litigation. Dahlqustโs response was, essentially, that you canโt get class relief for an administrative subpoena.
On rebuttal, though, Berg responded that, though the patientsโ request to the court might be without a perfect match from past litigation, the reason that is so is because there is no precedent for the Justice Departmentโs actions here.
Although it is not clear how Rubin will rule, the relevance of the administrative subpoena fight could be taking on less importance in short order. As Law Dork has covered in depth, DOJโs apparent move to grand jury subpoenas issued in the Northern District of Texas in May is reaching a head โ with at least two grand jury subpoenas having initially had a return date of Wednesday, June 10.
Over the past week, patients ofLucile Salter Packard Children’s Hospital at Stanford have made efforts to block the grand jury subpoena issued to Packard. After a first attempt to block Packard from turning over the information โ in a lawsuit filed only against Packard โ was rejected over the weekend, the patients filed an expanded lawsuit on Monday. In that, they added the Justice Department and Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche as defendants and asking for class-action relief for all who received gender-affirming medical care as minors in California and, specifically, Packard patients (similar to litigation in New York City). They also filed a request for a temporary restraining order barring DOJ from receiving patient-specific information, given the forthcoming return-date deadline.
At 10:00 a.m. PT Tuesday, U.S. District Judge Casey Pitts held a conference related to that request. Pitts was presiding over the remote hearing from his courtroom at the Robert F. Peckham Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in San Jose.
The hearing before Pitts, another Biden appointee, ultimately, was less adversarial โ for now โ than the Baltimore hearing.
Late Monday, Pitts had issued a temporary order blocking Packard from turning over any more documents to the government and blocking DOJ from taking any further action to enforce any grand jury subpoenas that would affect the would-be class here while he considered the matter.
Everyone, more or less, was OK with keeping that status while taking up the TRO request on a slightly less rushed timeline.
Although it took a few minutes at the status conference for everyone to agree that everyone was on the same page, ultimately John Wollman, the assistant U.S. attorney from the Northern District of California representing the government at the hearing, while not acknowledging any grand jury subpoena, agreed to push back any Packard subpoena response date to June 25 to allow time for briefing and arguments on the patientsโ request.
Although the parties need to submit a briefing schedule to Pitts for how to proceed, the outcome is similar to that reached temporarily as to the grand jury subpoena challenge in New York City, where the next hearing is set for June 22.
In short, the grand jury subpoenas that are known to have been challenged are on hold for now by agreement of the government while the litigation is considered.
Despite that, though, the return date was June 10 on both published grand jury subpoenas, so it is possible that others are out there that have not been challenged and will lead to productions on Wednesday. (Of course, it is also possible there are other challenges that have just flown under the radar.)
Regardless, and as NCLRโs Berg detailed Tuesday in Baltimore, this is an unprecedented, multi-pronged attack on a small handful of children. Whatโs more, given the way DOJ is going about this, they and their families might not even know that their records might be turned over to the government โ or if their provider has even been subpoenaed.
Law Dork will continue to cover this story. If you know about any previously unreported subpoenas, other related DOJ efforts, or other challenges to those efforts, please reach out. Chris Geidner is available on Signal at crg.32 for more secure communications.
I first read about Bayard Rustin in “The Nation” in the late 1990s. His story was both sad and inspirational. Here is some background on an unrecognized star (not that article I read years ago, I’m sorry. I have no access.)
Bayard Rustin (1912โ1987) was a human rights activist known for his work during the Civil Rights Movement
Rustin was a key organizer of the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom and was one of Martin Luther King Jr.โs closest advisors, especially on techniques of nonviolent resistance. Rustin was extremely active in the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and helped to create the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).
Early in his career, he was arrested for โmoral causeโ which led to his outing to the public.ย However, once outed, Rustin was completely open about his sexuality and was never ashamed.ย Criticism and discrimination over his sexuality led Rustin to have a more background role in the Civil Rights Movement.ย He never wanted his sexuality to have a negative effect on the Movement, whichย is often the reason that Rustinโs efforts are not widely known. (snip-MORE)
Bayard Rustin was an American leader in social movements for civil rights, socialism, pacifism and non-violence, and gay rights.
2HKJNR6 Bayard Rustin (1912-1987), American civil rights activist, attending Walter Reuther Press Conference, Warren K. Leffler, US News & World Report Magazine Collection, March 17, 1965
Bayard Rustin was an unsung hero whose indomitable spirit and relentless dedication carved a pivotal path in the American civil rights movement. Despite the shadows cast by prejudice and political adversity, Rustinโs life radiated with a fervent commitment to justice, equality, and nonviolence. His story is one of courage, resilience, and unwavering passion for the principles he held dear.
A Foundation of Activism
Born on March 17, 1912, in West Chester, Pennsylvania, Rustin was nurtured in a household steeped in activism and moral conviction. Raised by his Quaker grandparents, particularly his grandmother, Julia Rustin, a dedicated member of the NAACP, he absorbed the values of equality and social justice from an early age. This upbringing ignited a spark within him that would blaze throughout his lifetime.
Rustinโs early education at Wilberforce University and Cheyney State Teachers College further fueled his activist spirit. Though he did not complete his degree, these institutions were fertile ground for his burgeoning political consciousness. His move to Harlem in 1936 immersed him in the heart of African-American culture and political activism, setting the stage for his lifeโs work.
The Power of Nonviolence
Rustinโs commitment to nonviolence was both a strategic choice and a deeply held belief. His association with the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a pacifist organisation, was pivotal. Under the mentorship of A. J. Muste, Rustin honed his skills in civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance, becoming a leading voice in the fight against racial injustice.
In 1947, Rustin co-organised the Journey of Reconciliation, a courageous precursor to the Freedom Rides of the 1960s. This daring initiative aimed to dismantle segregation on interstate buses through direct action. Facing arrests and brutality, Rustinโs unwavering resolve demonstrated the transformative power of nonviolent protest and set a powerful precedent for future civil rights campaigns.
A Strategic Visionary
Rustinโs encounter with Martin Luther King Jr. during the Montgomery Bus Boycott marked a turning point in the civil rights movement. Recognising Kingโs potential, Rustin became a crucial advisor, infusing the movement with his vast experience and strategic acumen. His efforts were instrumental in the formation of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1957, strengthening the infrastructure of the civil rights struggle.
Rustinโs strategic brilliance shone through his emphasis on Gandhian principles of nonviolence. He played a key role in guiding King towards these philosophies, ensuring that nonviolent resistance remained at the heart of the movement. Rustinโs behind-the-scenes influence was a driving force that propelled the civil rights movement forward, even amidst escalating tensions and opposition.
Bayard Rustin was a black Civil Rights activist, a close associate of Martin Luther King, and an advocate of gay and lesbian rights, and a Quaker.
Rustin was born in West Chester, Pennsylvania and was brought up by his grandmother, who had been raised as a Quaker. He himself became a Quaker in 1936, shortly before moving to New York where he lived most of his adult life. He was a pacifist and a primary influence in bringing non-violent resistance into the American Civil Rights Movement, much inspired by Gandhiโs approach in India.
In 1941, he joined the pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation. He protested against segregation within the armed forces, and worked with the American Friends Service Committee to protect the property of interned Japanese Americans.
Despite his membership of the Society of Friends (one of the so-called โHistoric Peace Churchesโ), Rustin was jailed in 1944 for his conscientious objection to cooperating with the draft. While in jail, he organised protests against segregated seating in the dining hall. In a letter to the prison warden, he wrote:
Both morally and practically, segregation is to me a basic injustice. Since I believe it to be so, I must attempt to remove it. There are three ways in which one can deal with an injustice. (a) One can accept it without protest. (b) On can seek to avoid it. (c) One can resist the injustice non-violently. To accept it is to perpetuate it.
After the War, he took part in the Journey of Reconciliation across four southern States, to protest against illegal segregation in inter-state travel. He was arrested, along with his fellow protestors, several times in the course of the journey and in North Carolina was sentenced to thirty days on a chain gang. The protest became a model for future โFreedom Ridesโ.
In 1956, he was asked to advise Martin Luther King on the application of non-violent resistance to the boycott of public transport in Montgomery, Alabama. In August 1963, Rustin had the mammoth task of organising the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom โ a rally attended by twenty thousand people that culminated in Kingโs โI have a dreamโ speech. In 1968, shortly before Kingโs assassination, he drafted the โEconomic Bill of Rightsโ which called for โ among other things โ a meaningful job and a living wage for people of all colours.
Rustinโs concern for Human Rights was never confined to black Americans. In the 1940s and 50s, He supported independence movements in India, Ghana and Nigeria. In the 1970s and 1980s, Rustin became an election and human rights observer in countries like Chile, El Salvador, Grenada, Haiti, Poland, and Zimbabwe. As Vice Chairman of the International Rescue Committee he participated in the international March for Survival on the Thai-Cambodian border and helped raise awareness of the plight of the Vietnamese boat people. He was Co-Chairman of the Citizens Commission on Indochinese Refugees and helped found the National Emergency Coalition for Haitian Refugees.
Rustin was an openly gay man who had once been arrested for public indecency at a time when homosexuality was illegal in all US states. This fact was used against him more than once and contributed to his relatively low profile in the Civil Rights movement. However, in the 1970s and 80s he wrote a number of essays which drew parallels between the black civil rights movement and the gay liberation movement. In 1986, Rustin wrote:
Today, blacks are no longer the litmus paper or the barometer of social change. Blacks are in every segment of society and there are laws that help to protect them from racial discriminationโฆ It is in this sense that gay people are the new barometer for social changeโฆ The question of social change should be framed with the most vulnerable group in mind: gay people.
Rustin fell ill during a human rights expedition to Haiti in 1987 and died shortly after from a perforated appendix.
His life was documented in the film Brother Outsider.
His collected writings were published in A Time On Two Crosses.
The Human Rights Campaign has reached a historic high of 4 million members and supporters thanks to people like you. With our rights and freedoms under attack, our job at this moment is not simply to defend ourselves. We must rewrite what it means to be free in America. Because freedom must belong to all of us.
So this Pride Month, as we head into marking this countryโs 250th birthday, the LGBTQ+ community and allies are showing up loud and proud โ weโre reclaiming this country and its freedoms as our own. We say with our full chest: Pride is Patriotism.
Pride is Powerful
Real change doesnโt come from the top down โ it rises from the streets, from our communities, and from people like you. With 4 million voices already united under the Human Rights Campaign, this movement is fierce, fearless, and growing. Together, we can ensure that our voices are heard and our rights are protected.
At a military retirement ceremony unlike any other in modern American history, five transgender service members stood before their families, colleagues and country to mark the end of careers defined by excellence, leadership and sacrifice. They were not retiring because they failed to meet the standard. They were retiring because the standard was changed to exclude them.
โTrans servicemembers โฆ are the frontline canaries in the coal mine of our democracy as to who can be seen as not just American, but among the best that America has to offer,โ said Shawn Skelly, former assistant secretary of Defense for Readiness and member of HRCโs Board of Directors.
In addition to providing the official welcome on behalf of the HRC Foundation, Cmdr. Skelly provided a powerful keynote during the morning session and panel focused on military benefits and the future of service for our communities.
HRCโs Equality Center proudly hosted this event on Jan. 8, 2026, to officially retire Col. Bree Fram, Cmdr. Blake Dremann, Lt. Col. Erin Krizek, Chief Petty Officer Jaida McGuire and Sgt. 1st Class Cathrine Schmid. Together, they represent more than a century of service across the Armed Forces. These heroes were also a proxy for the countless more whose stories we have not yet heard but whose service has helped shape a safer, stronger more honorable military and nation.
Photo Credit: Laura Hatcher Photography
โThis ceremony is unprecedented,โ said retired Maj. Gen. Tammy Smith, who served as master of ceremonies. โNot because their careers fell short in any way, but because they shined so brightly in a military that cast them aside as unworthy.โ
As former Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall observed, what stood out to him was โhow similar these read to those of all other retirees, and to others still serving.โ
The difference, he noted, is that this group was not allowed to continue wearing the uniform. โIt is a huge injustice, and an enormous loss to our nation.โ
The ceremony was presided over by retired Gen. Stanley McChrystal, whose remarks were as direct as his reputation for leadership.
โThis isnโt complicated,โ McChrystal said. โWeโve got to leverage every bit of talent that this nation has.โ Excluding people who meet every standard weakens readiness and undermines the values the military is meant to defend, he said. (snip-MORE; each retiree gets to share, too)